Wednesday, May 18, 2005

4-yr of Gogoi Govt: Progress and challenges ahead


Md. Sabir Nishat
P
eace and the rule of law have come to Assam after many years of terrorist violence and depredations. A notable feature of the Assam Government’s handling of terrorism has been the steps taken to rehabilitate ULFA and Bodo ultras who surrendered. According to official sources, more that 4100 ULFA and Bodo surrendered youths have been given self-employment opportunities since May 18, 2001 thorough "a cent margin money scheme" for their rehabilitation. This scheme has definitely helped in bringing back normalcy to Assam and removing the scars of terrorism.

Side by side, a major achievement of the Assam Government under Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi’s leadership was creation of Bodoland Territorial Autonomous District and holding of first-ever elections to Bodoland Territorial Council. Durable peace in Bodo heartland is not far off as the Bodo outfit NDFB had announced a unilateral ceasefire in October last year and extended it for another six months. The Centre is keen on reciprocating to NDFB’s ceasefire offer within a few weeks, thus holding out hope on the Bodo militancy front.

New hope and a sense of buoyancy are returning to Assam. Economic recovery, the handmaiden of normalcy and peace, is looking up. What is important however is that the pace of economic development in the state is rapid enough to overcome the lag suffered by Assam. This, it seems, the Gogoi Government is striving to achieve. Oil and gas development, a major sector in Assam’s economy, is once again being geared up. ONGC is planning to pump in Rs 2,000 crore in the oil sector in the State. After much delay, headway has been made regarding setting up of the mega Gas Cracker project with GAIL evincing keen interest in the project.

While it is good to accord special attention to the oil and gas sector, the Assam Government has done well to bestow attention to agricultural and industrial build-up in both of which the State is lagging behind. Thus it is heartening to know that reputed companies like Hindustan Lever, Godrej, Emami, Revlon, Ujala, among a host of others, have set up 70 industrial units in the State. Moreover, 8282 small-scale industries have been newly registered and 30 medium and large-scale industrial units have come up.

It is generally recognised that if Assam is to industrialise it has to develop its power industry first. With this in view, the State Government has initiated the power sector reforms with liberal lending from Asian Development Bank to the tune of US $ 250 million.

On the agricultural sector, it is good to know that the Assam Government is making a bid to step up the State’s agricultural front. This sector requires more attention as agriculture happens to be the mainstay with 85 per cent dependent on agriculture and allied sectors. According to official sources, as against a potential of 27 lakh hectares, a total of 6.75 lakh hectares of irrigation potential have been created in Assam during the four years of the present Government’s tenure. Major, medium and minor irrigation projects are being taken up, while as many as 48 minor irrigation schemes have already been completed.

But of late, it is seen that emphasis has shifted from long-gestation major and medium (flow) irrigation projects to smaller ones for the sake of quicker results. Self-sufficiency in foodgrains being a priority, shallow tubewells and ‘low-lift’ points are being stressed, which is to get a shot in the arm with the launching of the Rs 1,025-crore World Bank aided Assam Agricultural Competitiveness Project. With the same aim in view, the State Government is giving priority also to rural electrification, and the timely distribution of farm inputs such as seeds and fertilisers, as well as machinery including power tillers.

However, a lot remains to be done. As much as 85 per cent of the land is still under monocrop cultivation. Two crops are grown on only 15 per cent of the farmland. Even in fertiliser consumption and in foodgrain production especially rice, Assam is far behind the national average.

Here the almost 25,000 registered Pathar Parichalana Samities (Field Management Committee) have to play a pro-active role in mobilising member-farmers to shift from single cropping to multiple cropping.

Another problem that has played havoc with agriculture and other sectors of the economy is the recurring floods. Apart from destroying crops, stalling the movement of passengers and goods by road and rail, they impose heavy repair costs. But there is ray of hope with the Centre constituting a Task Force to find a lasting solution to the perennial flood problem recognizing it as a national problem due to persistent efforts of the present Government.

Besides agriculture, thrust has to be given to horticulture, floriculture and pisciculture sectors in which the State has huge potential capable of generating ample employment opportunities given the fact that the ‘live register’ of employment exchanges contains the names of a little under 2 million unemployed.

Yet, one may perhaps take heart in the fact that Assam has escaped the starvation deaths that occur so often in some parts of the country. Also its literacy rate (according to 2001 census report) was only marginally below the national average of 65.29 per cent and had grown at 11.39 per cent over the previous decade. The sustained rise in enrolment ratio is another heartening development. In many ways, the Net Enrolment Ratio (NER) in the State is far better than the national average. NER for the primary level is 95.4 for boys in the State as against the 71.0 at the all India level and 74.9 for girls as against the countrywide figure of 48.8.

Moreover, the State’s infant mortality rate in 1992 was quite close to the country’s average of 79 per 1000 live births. It now stands at 75 per 1000 live berths according to the Human Development Report, 2003. Similarly, maternal mortality rate has declined from 507 to 401 per 1 lakh live births. The number of people below the poverty line both in urban and rural areas has declined from 56.8 per cent to 40.1 per cent.

The Gogoi Government faces an uphill task in relation to the revival of tourism in Assam. Insurgency has hit the industry hard, and the State Government already claims that the number of tourists, domestic as well as foreign to the State, has gone up from 10,16,322 lakh in 2001 to 22,93,915 lakh in 2004. Festivals like Tea Tourism, Rongali Utsav, Kaziranga Elephant Festival, Dehing-Patkai and Rangpur Utsav have contributed to the inflow of tourists to the State. Two cultural projects have come up — Srimanta Sankaradeva Kalakshetra and Pragjyoti — in Guwahati.

These are to the seen as valiant efforts to revive industry, trade and all-round economic activity. The crucial issue for Assam is of course bringing the ULFA to the negotiation table and thus paving the way for lasting peace in the State. This is by no means an easy task and one has to be vigilant about the ups and downs as well as pitfalls on the way. However, there is sense of confidence in the State that this task will be accomplished. Winds of change are blowing over with hope and promise aplenty.

(The views expressed in the article are the writer’s own.)

Wednesday, May 11, 2005

Indian MP Urges Govt. to Help Starving Muslims


The erosion of River Padma has displaced thousands of Indian Musli

By Zafarul-Islam Khan, IOL Correspondent

NEW DELHI, May 10, 2005 (IslamOnline.net) – An Indian lawmaker on Tuesday, May 10, asked the federal government to offer a hand of assistance to thousands of Muslims starving to death in the Murshidabad district, West Bengals.

“Today our country talks about sending a mission to the moon and we claim that we are self-sufficient in food but it is so sad that from time to time we hear about starvation deaths of adivasis and suicides by farmers,” Rajya Sabha, an MP for Samajwadi Party, told parliament.

He hit out at the government for collecting huge funds for the tsunami victims, while doing nothing to the people of Murshidabad.

The lawmaker asked the central government to immediately send a fact-finding team to the area, issue below-poverty-line ration cards, compensate the victims with money and new pieces of land, and fortify the eroding river bank to stop further deterioration.

With the exception of the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPIM), no party opposed his proposals.

Fact-finding missions sent by two Muslim organizations, Zakat Foundation of India and Markazul Maarif, revealed on March 27 that Murshidabad Muslims were starving to death due to the erosion of lifeline River Padma in the area.

The erosion has devastated vast swathes of fertile land, leaving about 5,000 people in six villages facing starvation and displacing up to 25,000 others.

The government inaction has drawn string criticism from local newspapers, which accused authorities of papering over the reported catastrophe.

Court Petition

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court on Tuesday referred a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) on the pressing issue to the West Bengal State Human Rights Commission.

A bench comprising Justice Ruma Pal and Justice SH Kapadia directed the registrar of the Supreme Court to send a copy of the writ petition to the commission.

The judges advised the petitioner that state-level efforts should be exhausted before coming back to the apex court for remedial measures.

The petition was filed by India’s The Milli Gazette newspaper to force the central and state authorities to work for the long-term rehabilitation of the affected population.

Murshidabad used to be the capital of Muslim Bengal before the advent of the British colonial rule.

It was so prosperous and rich that Lord Clive, the commander of the British invasion troops, described it as bigger than London and had more rich people.

Two centuries of British loot and half a century of local misrule, including two and a half decades of communist rule, have impoverished the state.

Murder of Democracy

Kuldip Nayar

T he British Parliamentary system that we follow describes the Opposition as Her Majesty’s Opposition. It is considered part of the overall ruling apparatus, notwithstanding the party in power. There is never any boycott because it is unthinkable that a part can be separate from the whole. What we have seen in our Parliament is a farce, the BJP’s version of Parliamentary democracy which the party has introduced to the world for the first time.

The party has no defence. Still Sushma Swaraj, its spokesperson, had the audacity to say that the attendance by the BJP-led NDA of the budget session for one day was to show ‘respect’ to the system. The Rajya Sabha, she said, would continue to be boycotted. It did not mean anything because the money bill required no endorsement of the Upper House.

I believe George Fernandes, who learnt such tactics along with late Raj Narain, was the initiator of the boycott idea. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Jaswant Singh and Yashwant Sinha were against extending the boycott beyond three days. But then socialists Fernandes, Sushma and, of course, the hardliner Advani, had their way.

People on the Left have no sense of proportion when they join the Right and become its exponent. Fernandes is another person who, like Sushma, has changed colours after being a socialist for almost all his life. Maybe, both are ideologically convinced that Hindutva is necessary to found a socialist society.

But they forget that the first and foremost duty is to sustain the Parliamentary system, in the absence of which the boycott has little meaning. The BJP is chipping away at the very structure. Party chief LK Advani, once India’s Home Minister, did not help when he said that they were not stalling Parliament as if they were rendering a great service to the system. But why should the BJP pick on Parliament? Does the party have no other forum to voice its protest? If it is the question of publicity — that seems to be the primary purpose — they could have had the dharna outside the Parliament house. The boycott has pernicious connotation and it is a bad precedent to set.

I am relieved to see that the Telugu Desam is slowly distancing itself from the NDA. The party should have never associated with the BJP in the first instance. Were the Telugu Desam to analyse the reason for its defeat in the Assembly elections it would find that the taint of communalism alienated the support of liberals and minorities in Andhra Pradesh.

The fact is that the BJP has not reconciled itself to the loss of power after its defeat at the Lok Sabha polls. After having been in power for six years, the party has forgotten how to behave as the Opposition. That it misgoverned the country during its tenure is another matter for debate.

Why does the budget, the most important annual business of the country, become the target of non-cooperation by the NDA is not understandable? The alliance did the same thing last year to let the Finance Bill go through without any scrutiny or debate. It also indicates the abdication of its duty. This is no way to protest. It is playing fraud on the Indian people who, I am sure, will give a fitting reply at the time of the general election.

The Congress cannot occupy a high moral ground because it too stalled Parliament when the NDA was in power. Not once, not twice but almost the entire session. It is a pity that Defence Minister Pranab Mukerjee should justify that the Congress only impeded Parliament, not boycotted like the BJP. It is only a question of degree. Both have harmed the system. Let the Congress and its allies now at least say that they would never disturb Parliament, whatever the provocation. The NDA should follow suit and show the same resolve. At one time, the two main political parties in Bangladesh — the BNP and the Awami League —made such a declaration. They fell out on some other issue but their resolve on Parliament stood.

What is the issue that created the crisis? The court framed charges against Railway Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav who has umpteen cases of corruption pending against him. He and some ministers have faced the NDA’s wrath earlier when it raised the question of tainted ministers. In a way, it is the repeat of what happened three or four years ago.

The Congress was the heckler when Advani was indicted in the Babri masjid demolition case with charges framed against him. In all honesty, Advani should have resigned then. If NDA had set such an example, Lalu Yadav could not have stayed in the government. Coming back to charges against Advani, the NDA government put pressure on the CBI which was pursuing the case. The carrot of the National Human Rights Commission membership was dangled before the then CBI director to withdraw the affidavit which formed the basis for charges. He did so and got the post after his retirement as reward.

In the beginning of its tenure, the UPA seemed following some value system. Jharkhand’s Shibu Soren was dropped from the Cabinet when the court at Ranchi framed charges against him. The Congress wanted to show that it had turned a new leaf. But when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said the other day that there was no question of dropping Lalu Yadav even after the charges were framed, it was evident that the Congress could not afford to drop him because his party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, had some 13 seats in the Lok Sabha. The Congress needed every vote in the 546-member house to keep the UPA government afloat.

I come back to the question I raised in the beginning. What point the boycott of Parliament has made? In fact, the nation faces a new challenge — the challenge of the Opposition party not attending Parliament in a democratic set-up. One Congress leader told me the other day after the NDA boycott that Parliament was functioning smoothly. Is it the order of things to come? The government and the Opposition are batting on their own, one saying things in Parliament and the other countering them outside. True, the NDA has caused embarrassment to the UPA. But what does it all come to?

Boycotting Parliament, the highest elected body in the country, is too serious a matter to be trifled with for our political purposes. The two Houses represent democracy, our pride. This is a confluence of our multi-religious, multi-cultural and multi-lingual society. A consensus reached in Parliament is accepted by the nation. What otherwise has been going on in the country is nothing but the highhandedness of the Congress and the BJP, reflecting misgovernance or non-governance.

Finding the lost tribe of Israel: Mizo Jews await Rabbi

Guwahati, Wednesday, May 11, 2005
NORTH EAST
From Sangzuala Hmar
AIZAWL, May 10 – After the historic recognition of the Bnei Menashe tribe of Mizoram as the lost tribe of Israel by Isreal’s Chief Sephardi Rabbi Shlomo Amar, the Mizo Jews felt that the much awaited exodus to the Holy Land was coming soon. The expected arrival of Rabbi Yahuda Gin, the first Rabbi from the Beni Menashe clan has once again ushered them into a new ray of hope.

“We are waiting for the arrival of Rabbi Yuhada Gin, who would possibly be in Aizawl on Tuesday,” said Liyon Fanai, secretary, Information and Publicity, Bnei Menashe community of Mizoram. Rabbi Khanok Avitzedek from Israel will follow him, Liyon added.

After the recognition, the Mizo Jews have been eagerly waiting for the rabbis to demeanor ‘Giyur’ (ritual rebirth/ conversion). The Bnei Menashe community leaders said that after the conversion ritual, the community would be able to immigrate to Israel under the “Law of Return”, which allows Jews to return to their homeland as citizens.

The visit of Rabbi Yahuda can be seen as a ground work for the arrival of ‘Beit Din’ (rabbinical court); the court will formally recognise the Mizo Jews who have already endured ‘circumcision’. Bnei Menashe community leaders have ascertained that 925 persons have endured the circumcision rite.

Economic immigration, the factor that is reportedly one of the major concerns of the Israeli Government would hamper the immigration, the Bnei Menashe community anticipated. Liyon Fanai said that every precaution would be made to circumvent such possibilities.

Sunday, May 01, 2005

Influx main cause of population rise ; NCM

NEW DELHI, April 30 – The National Commission for Minorities finding may again send alarm bells ringing as it said that growth rate of Muslims in 10 districts of Assam was among the highest in the country. The National Commission for Minorities which convened a meeting with Muslim intellectuals today to discuss the findings of the report of critical analyses of the 2001 Census by an Expert Committee of demographers said that out of the 593 districts studied by the Committee there were 49 district in four States which showed high growth rates. The States included Assam, West Bengal, UP and Bihar.Expert demographer and chairman of the Committee Prof Ashish Bose said that high growth rates in the 10 districts in Assam and five districts in West Bengal was due to the unabated influx from Bangladesh.The 10 districts have recorded over 51 percent growth rate which above the national average. The districts were Dhubri, Bongaigaon, Barpeta, Darrang, Morigaon, Nagaon, Cachar, Karimganj, Karbi Anglong and Goalpara.In UP, out of its 70 districts, 10 districts have recorded Substantial Muslim Population and in Bihar five. While elsewhere higher fertility rate was prime cause for SMP, in the districts bordering Bangladesh infiltration was the main for such high growth rate, Prof Bose claimed.Chairman of the NCM Tarlochan Singh further added that the Census Commission could not furnish the data on illegal infiltration to the NCM when it was asked.He also said that concern expressed by few political parties in States like Assam about the high growth rate of Muslim could not be brushed aside. The Expert Committee mentioned that the inter censal growth of Muslim population (29.5) during 1991-2001 was higher than overall growth (21.5 percent) of the country’s population during the same decade.