Times of India
MANGALORE: A district-level workshop on Dalit rights that began here on Sunday has expressed concern over the post liberalization economic policies going against Dalits and the downtrodden communities of the country instead of making them partners in the development process.
Inaugurating the workshop, senior CPM leader K R Sriyan said though the role of the private sector has increased considerably in the economic activities after the country has adopted the liberalization, the Dalit communities continue to be excluded from the opportunities in the private sector. Domination of the opportunities by one section and exclusion of the other, would lead to social tensions in the days to come, he said.
According to him the capitalist and castiest forces have combined with each other for mutual benefits and the Sangh Parivar was a part of this set up. Though Sangh Parivar too speaks about Dalit upliftment, their policies like banning cow slaughter go against the interests of the Dalit as beef is the cheapest nutritious food available for the poor, he said.
Expressing concern over the long and sustained efforts by Dalit groups to distance the Dalit communities from leftist movements, he said no other movement other than the communist would address the problems of the Dalit community effectively.
Speaking on the occasion, CPM state secretary G N Nagaraj focused on the growth of Dalit movement in Karnataka. Despite strong Dalit movements, evil practices like untouchability continue to exist in several parts of the state, he said.
Assam / Northeast India and the World. If you can be unknown, do so. It doesn't matter if you are not known and it doesn't matter if you are not praised. It doesn't matter if you are blameworthy according to people if you are praiseworthy with Allah, Mighty and Majestic.
Saturday, October 10, 2009
The Power of the Surname
By Santosh Desai,
The power of a surname is never more evident than in the case of the most famous surname in India. As if being Nehrus was not enough, Indira Priyadarshini's marriage to Feroze Gandhi, gave the family a surname unsurpassed in political import. The Nehru-Gandhi moniker conflates the two towering giants from India's freedom struggle, and showers an implicit legitimacy on the family. It is impossible to ascertain what role the surname plays in the tacit right that members of the family get conferred with to rule this country, but it is safe to say that it does play a significant if unconscious part.
And yet, just as some surnames radiate this mysterious power, in a more general sense, what value does this institution provide today? Everyone needs a name for the purposes of identification, but do all of us really need surnames in this day and age? It is easy to see why the institution was needed in earlier days, when society was organized on the basis of where one came from but what value does it have today when we are known not so much by our past but by our present?
The institution of the surname is a fascinating one for it exists as a form of social address, by virtue of which one is located in the social universe we inhabit. The name is who we are, the surname a sign of where we come from and what we are a part of. If the name is the house number, the surname is the name of the locality in which the house is situated. The surname tells us that we not alone, it reminds us of the fact that we are a part of a continuing chain of life and recalls that philosopher Alan Watts said about not coming into this world but out of it. In addition, depending on different customs, the surname provides others with clues about where we are placed in this world by way of occupation, our place of origin, the father's name and so on.
Today, in many parts of the world, the 'family name' has stopped conveying any meaningful information whatsoever. Does the name Smith in the US really tell us anything about the antecedents of the family? The utility of the surname was apparent at a time when clans grew beyond a certain size and a system of sub-classification was required. It helped anchor individuals in a larger collective and helped identify one's origins, which played a significant roles in key social institutions like employment and marriage. But now that the notion of a clan is no longer our primary mode of social organization, and given that the effective size of what we call 'family' has come down dramatically in a post nuclear family world, do we still need the surname?
Of course, in India, the surname continues to be quite useful in terms of the information it conveys. We can most often tell the caste and the origins of a person by his name and in some parts of India even identify the village he comes from. For all our current avowed aversion to the caste system, our primary identity continues to be driven by our caste names. And while there is a part of India where the surname is no longer used as a relevant piece of information and becomes an extended form of one's first name, there is a much larger part where the surname continues to act as the primary signifier of one's identity. The individual is part of the collective, a variation on a theme.
And while one could argue that the influence of the caste system will never wane till we attach family names to our own, it is worth noting that even in the West, the surname continues to be used in spite of its seeming redundancy. With the change in gender equations, we are seeing more complex surname architectures at work, with the rise in hyphenated surnames as more women retain their maiden names. Revealingly, we choose to live with this unwieldiness rather than question the institution of the surname in the first place.
The surname today gets used more as a device to erase the unique nature of an individual. We often summon people by the surname in places like a school, the military or an office. It somehow seems more appropriate to avoid the first name , for that signifies that one knows the individual personally. In these institutions, the individual is primarily a student, colleague or soldier rather than a unique human being. The surname becomes in this instance a counterpoint to the first name, and is used more as a mark of identification rather than uniqueness.
Perhaps for all the drive towards individualism, nothing terrifies us more than the idea that we are truly individual. To be alone in the world, to have come from nowhere and to leave behind nothing that we can put a name to is a thought of unbearable isolation. We need surnames because we need our past, not as a memory but something we live inside of. Our surname creates a little world into which we can snuggle up, however unconsciously. We need surnames because otherwise we would be nothing but individuals and that can be very lonely indeed.
http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Citycitybangbang/entry/the-power-of-the-surname
The power of a surname is never more evident than in the case of the most famous surname in India. As if being Nehrus was not enough, Indira Priyadarshini's marriage to Feroze Gandhi, gave the family a surname unsurpassed in political import. The Nehru-Gandhi moniker conflates the two towering giants from India's freedom struggle, and showers an implicit legitimacy on the family. It is impossible to ascertain what role the surname plays in the tacit right that members of the family get conferred with to rule this country, but it is safe to say that it does play a significant if unconscious part.
And yet, just as some surnames radiate this mysterious power, in a more general sense, what value does this institution provide today? Everyone needs a name for the purposes of identification, but do all of us really need surnames in this day and age? It is easy to see why the institution was needed in earlier days, when society was organized on the basis of where one came from but what value does it have today when we are known not so much by our past but by our present?
The institution of the surname is a fascinating one for it exists as a form of social address, by virtue of which one is located in the social universe we inhabit. The name is who we are, the surname a sign of where we come from and what we are a part of. If the name is the house number, the surname is the name of the locality in which the house is situated. The surname tells us that we not alone, it reminds us of the fact that we are a part of a continuing chain of life and recalls that philosopher Alan Watts said about not coming into this world but out of it. In addition, depending on different customs, the surname provides others with clues about where we are placed in this world by way of occupation, our place of origin, the father's name and so on.
Today, in many parts of the world, the 'family name' has stopped conveying any meaningful information whatsoever. Does the name Smith in the US really tell us anything about the antecedents of the family? The utility of the surname was apparent at a time when clans grew beyond a certain size and a system of sub-classification was required. It helped anchor individuals in a larger collective and helped identify one's origins, which played a significant roles in key social institutions like employment and marriage. But now that the notion of a clan is no longer our primary mode of social organization, and given that the effective size of what we call 'family' has come down dramatically in a post nuclear family world, do we still need the surname?
Of course, in India, the surname continues to be quite useful in terms of the information it conveys. We can most often tell the caste and the origins of a person by his name and in some parts of India even identify the village he comes from. For all our current avowed aversion to the caste system, our primary identity continues to be driven by our caste names. And while there is a part of India where the surname is no longer used as a relevant piece of information and becomes an extended form of one's first name, there is a much larger part where the surname continues to act as the primary signifier of one's identity. The individual is part of the collective, a variation on a theme.
And while one could argue that the influence of the caste system will never wane till we attach family names to our own, it is worth noting that even in the West, the surname continues to be used in spite of its seeming redundancy. With the change in gender equations, we are seeing more complex surname architectures at work, with the rise in hyphenated surnames as more women retain their maiden names. Revealingly, we choose to live with this unwieldiness rather than question the institution of the surname in the first place.
The surname today gets used more as a device to erase the unique nature of an individual. We often summon people by the surname in places like a school, the military or an office. It somehow seems more appropriate to avoid the first name , for that signifies that one knows the individual personally. In these institutions, the individual is primarily a student, colleague or soldier rather than a unique human being. The surname becomes in this instance a counterpoint to the first name, and is used more as a mark of identification rather than uniqueness.
Perhaps for all the drive towards individualism, nothing terrifies us more than the idea that we are truly individual. To be alone in the world, to have come from nowhere and to leave behind nothing that we can put a name to is a thought of unbearable isolation. We need surnames because we need our past, not as a memory but something we live inside of. Our surname creates a little world into which we can snuggle up, however unconsciously. We need surnames because otherwise we would be nothing but individuals and that can be very lonely indeed.
http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Citycitybangbang/entry/the-power-of-the-surname
CENTRAL MADARSA BOARD, MUSLIMS AND GOVERNMENT
By ABDUL HANNAN
Once again, central government’s proposal on central Madarsa board has been rejected unanimously. Ulemas and various Muslim organizations expressed their great concern on government’s move to introduce central Madarsa board.
Muslim is only one nation in India which, since independence, is struggling for a place in the society. The history of modern India tells the story that despite the changes and the transformations of Indian societies from a place to another and escalated democratic values across the country and the glob is not appeared a good approach for Indian Muslims are being pressured in the garb of reformations and in the name of modernizations, to give up their historical, religious and social identities.
In modern India which starts since independence, Muslims generally and their religious places and institutions particularly, are on target by the Hindutva separatism organizations and its sympathizers, who are using all means to convert Muslims into Hinduism and by shutting their religious institutions, and Mosques, they are forcing to remove their religious identities from their daily lives.
Indian society can bee seen in two sections concerning Muslims. First section believes that Indian Muslims, who converted into Islam by sword and by might during Mughal rules on India, from nature, is Hindu. RSS and others, the sisters or puppets of this organization, are from 1st section. Such history is being taught to innocent Hindus in the shakhas are in lakhs. Their religious and political leaders and their volunteers, who are prepared particularly against Muslims, are working on the directions. Central governments, state governments, media, police, NGOs and educated class of the country, are aware of existing of such organizations and their hatred work. Which kind of action can be taken against them, is before every on of us. For weeks, Urdu newspapers and some English newspapers are highlighting and publishing the report that a new organization from right-wing of Hindutva has opened a new war against Darul Uloom Deoband in Utter Pradesh and this organization, every day, is trying to disturb communal harmony. Having been the information of such incident is taking place in Utter Pradesh, neither central government nor state government of UP nor English national media took it seriously. Moral and political support of secular powers and inability to work against them provided them platform to open a new war against prominent Muslim institution. In short words, this class wants from Muslims to concede what it seeks from them, means, shut their Madarsas, Mosques, give up their religious identity and join them.
Second section or second class is called seculars. Their work and their ton of talk with Muslims are democratically but their purpose also is same as first class thinks and does against Muslims. This second class which is secular wants to take action for Muslims upliftment. For this purpose, it wants to take some steps will help to remove poverty and illiteracy from Muslims. Sachar commission was also appointed to judge the condition of Muslims on various levels across the country in order to do something for them. It is unavoidable that this second class ignored Muslims and never placed Muslim’s demand. It talks of Muslim’s welfare, promises of implementing the recommendations of the commissions for a better future of Muslims and etc but the result is zero. It didn’t help to Muslims in any ways. In violence, in bomb attacks, in poverty and in illiteracy Muslim society is totally leaved behind by such secular forces. Batla house encounter, fake encounters in Gujarat, encounters of Muslims by Hindutva organizations in Gujarat, promise of reconstruction of Babri mosque in Ayodhya, justice to bomb blast victims are key issues of Muslims totally untouched by UPA government in its more than 5th year rules in center. Instead to solve the core issues of Muslims, and provide them all facilities for their rehabilitation in various fields, central government is introducing Madarsa board bill to capture Private Madarsas to shut Muslims’ religious identity from Muslim society. According Sachar committee report, only 3 or 4 percent Muslims go to Madarsas and 96% Muslims go to Universities and schools. These 96% Muslims need government help, institutions, facilities, and other helps to improve their educational level and able to get the admission in higher institutions, but government, instead giving them priority, trying to capture Private Madarsas, while these Private Madarsas are being run by Muslims not by the government. These Madarsas are epicenter of Muslims in their social and in their daily life. If government takes its control, the situation will goes worsen of Muslims religiously and historically. Indeed, secular forces also working on same direction which is selected by 1st section to snatch their historical and religious identities in India.
It is unbelievable that why Madarsas come under much attention by the central government when it goes to discus on education development in Muslim community, while schools and universities are the 1st choice of majority of Muslim parents as the survey of Sachar commission shows.
Muslim leaders should have to take lessen from past and ask the government that why it is forcing on a Madarsa board, although its 60 years denial towards Muslim increased poverty, illiteracy and unemployment in Muslim community in all over the country.
Can central government satisfies Muslims that proposed central Madarsa board will solve the issues are stand before them? Can government thrash Muslim’s fear that government’s Madarsa board is an effort to interfere in Muslim’s internal matter and such as the ways will be open for government to away Muslim generations from their Islamic and religious identity which is the demand of Hindutva groups. How Muslims believe on government’s honesty in increasing the reformations in educational field with bringing a Madarsa board which will revive Madarsa’s syllabus time to time which will give a chance to Hindutva sympathizers to change their syllabus? Can government clear its intention behind Madarsa board while lakhs of so-called religious Shakhas of Hindutva organizations are given free hand to teach what they want and build which kind of Shakhas they want to build in anywhere of the country?
If government is interested and has committed to change the condition of Indian Muslims, so it should have to come to Muslim’s areas and see from their own eyes the requirements of Muslims. Development in Muslim’s areas, financial help to minorities’ students and to poor Muslim families for higher education of their children, road construction and smooth electricity and water supply in Muslim dominated localities are the work of the governments which totally failed to address it.
Instead to address the issues are great factor of Muslims downfall in India, central government’s interest to waste its all energies on those who are just represents of 2% of their community, with ignoring 96% of the community will not help to the community and with that Muslim’s downfall can’t be stopped.
We will oppose of any move of government to take over Private Madarsas in its hand, if government has interest on Muslim’s upliftment it should have to cover all roots and fix all weaken points in Muslim community, and wide their working range, provide them justice, reservations, scholarships establish modern institutions, open medical colleges, and begin the construction in Muslim localities, but without taking significant steps, if it tried to take over these Madarsas, Muslims till their last drop of blood will oppose such move.
Once again, central government’s proposal on central Madarsa board has been rejected unanimously. Ulemas and various Muslim organizations expressed their great concern on government’s move to introduce central Madarsa board.
Muslim is only one nation in India which, since independence, is struggling for a place in the society. The history of modern India tells the story that despite the changes and the transformations of Indian societies from a place to another and escalated democratic values across the country and the glob is not appeared a good approach for Indian Muslims are being pressured in the garb of reformations and in the name of modernizations, to give up their historical, religious and social identities.
In modern India which starts since independence, Muslims generally and their religious places and institutions particularly, are on target by the Hindutva separatism organizations and its sympathizers, who are using all means to convert Muslims into Hinduism and by shutting their religious institutions, and Mosques, they are forcing to remove their religious identities from their daily lives.
Indian society can bee seen in two sections concerning Muslims. First section believes that Indian Muslims, who converted into Islam by sword and by might during Mughal rules on India, from nature, is Hindu. RSS and others, the sisters or puppets of this organization, are from 1st section. Such history is being taught to innocent Hindus in the shakhas are in lakhs. Their religious and political leaders and their volunteers, who are prepared particularly against Muslims, are working on the directions. Central governments, state governments, media, police, NGOs and educated class of the country, are aware of existing of such organizations and their hatred work. Which kind of action can be taken against them, is before every on of us. For weeks, Urdu newspapers and some English newspapers are highlighting and publishing the report that a new organization from right-wing of Hindutva has opened a new war against Darul Uloom Deoband in Utter Pradesh and this organization, every day, is trying to disturb communal harmony. Having been the information of such incident is taking place in Utter Pradesh, neither central government nor state government of UP nor English national media took it seriously. Moral and political support of secular powers and inability to work against them provided them platform to open a new war against prominent Muslim institution. In short words, this class wants from Muslims to concede what it seeks from them, means, shut their Madarsas, Mosques, give up their religious identity and join them.
Second section or second class is called seculars. Their work and their ton of talk with Muslims are democratically but their purpose also is same as first class thinks and does against Muslims. This second class which is secular wants to take action for Muslims upliftment. For this purpose, it wants to take some steps will help to remove poverty and illiteracy from Muslims. Sachar commission was also appointed to judge the condition of Muslims on various levels across the country in order to do something for them. It is unavoidable that this second class ignored Muslims and never placed Muslim’s demand. It talks of Muslim’s welfare, promises of implementing the recommendations of the commissions for a better future of Muslims and etc but the result is zero. It didn’t help to Muslims in any ways. In violence, in bomb attacks, in poverty and in illiteracy Muslim society is totally leaved behind by such secular forces. Batla house encounter, fake encounters in Gujarat, encounters of Muslims by Hindutva organizations in Gujarat, promise of reconstruction of Babri mosque in Ayodhya, justice to bomb blast victims are key issues of Muslims totally untouched by UPA government in its more than 5th year rules in center. Instead to solve the core issues of Muslims, and provide them all facilities for their rehabilitation in various fields, central government is introducing Madarsa board bill to capture Private Madarsas to shut Muslims’ religious identity from Muslim society. According Sachar committee report, only 3 or 4 percent Muslims go to Madarsas and 96% Muslims go to Universities and schools. These 96% Muslims need government help, institutions, facilities, and other helps to improve their educational level and able to get the admission in higher institutions, but government, instead giving them priority, trying to capture Private Madarsas, while these Private Madarsas are being run by Muslims not by the government. These Madarsas are epicenter of Muslims in their social and in their daily life. If government takes its control, the situation will goes worsen of Muslims religiously and historically. Indeed, secular forces also working on same direction which is selected by 1st section to snatch their historical and religious identities in India.
It is unbelievable that why Madarsas come under much attention by the central government when it goes to discus on education development in Muslim community, while schools and universities are the 1st choice of majority of Muslim parents as the survey of Sachar commission shows.
Muslim leaders should have to take lessen from past and ask the government that why it is forcing on a Madarsa board, although its 60 years denial towards Muslim increased poverty, illiteracy and unemployment in Muslim community in all over the country.
Can central government satisfies Muslims that proposed central Madarsa board will solve the issues are stand before them? Can government thrash Muslim’s fear that government’s Madarsa board is an effort to interfere in Muslim’s internal matter and such as the ways will be open for government to away Muslim generations from their Islamic and religious identity which is the demand of Hindutva groups. How Muslims believe on government’s honesty in increasing the reformations in educational field with bringing a Madarsa board which will revive Madarsa’s syllabus time to time which will give a chance to Hindutva sympathizers to change their syllabus? Can government clear its intention behind Madarsa board while lakhs of so-called religious Shakhas of Hindutva organizations are given free hand to teach what they want and build which kind of Shakhas they want to build in anywhere of the country?
If government is interested and has committed to change the condition of Indian Muslims, so it should have to come to Muslim’s areas and see from their own eyes the requirements of Muslims. Development in Muslim’s areas, financial help to minorities’ students and to poor Muslim families for higher education of their children, road construction and smooth electricity and water supply in Muslim dominated localities are the work of the governments which totally failed to address it.
Instead to address the issues are great factor of Muslims downfall in India, central government’s interest to waste its all energies on those who are just represents of 2% of their community, with ignoring 96% of the community will not help to the community and with that Muslim’s downfall can’t be stopped.
We will oppose of any move of government to take over Private Madarsas in its hand, if government has interest on Muslim’s upliftment it should have to cover all roots and fix all weaken points in Muslim community, and wide their working range, provide them justice, reservations, scholarships establish modern institutions, open medical colleges, and begin the construction in Muslim localities, but without taking significant steps, if it tried to take over these Madarsas, Muslims till their last drop of blood will oppose such move.
Thursday, October 08, 2009
Over 600 Chinese nationals working in Saudi embrace Islam
Riyadh: Over 600 Chinese nationals working on the Haramain Rail project have embraced Islam in a recent ceremony in Makkah. They are workers of the Chinese Railway Company, which won the multibillion contract for implementing the 450km rail road linking the holy cities of Makkah and Madinah via Jeddah and Rabigh.
Dr. Abdul Aziz Al Khudhairi, undersecretary at the Makkah Governorate, said that this year’s celebration of the Kingdom’s National Day coincides with a number of auspicious and historic occasions.
These included launching of the prestigious international research university - King Abdullah University for Science & Technology (KAUST), celebration of Eid Al Fitr and a recent ceremony of Chinese workers pronouncing their Shahada.
Dr. Abdul Aziz, who witnessed the event, described it as a “direct response to critics of the government for contracting Chinese company.”
Among the converts, there are 70 workers who are engaged in the construction of Makkah monorail project, which links the holy city with the holy sites of Mina, Muzdalifa and Arafat.
“Their conversion took place 24 hours after getting books introducing Islam in Chinese language at their worksite at Arafat, which is outside the Haram area,” he said adding that the credit goes to the Office of the Call and Guidance for Expatriates in Makkah.
Efforts are underway to spread the message of Islam among some 5,000 Chinese nationals working on the Haramain train,” he said adding that the major problem for the Call and Guidance Office is the lack of enough books on Islam in Chinese language.
It is noteworthy that the first phase of Haramain Rail consisting of 70km has well been started a few months ago. This represents expropriation of land, filling works, construction of bridges and tracks. The project is expected to be operational in 2012.
Dr. Abdul Aziz Al Khudhairi, undersecretary at the Makkah Governorate, said that this year’s celebration of the Kingdom’s National Day coincides with a number of auspicious and historic occasions.
These included launching of the prestigious international research university - King Abdullah University for Science & Technology (KAUST), celebration of Eid Al Fitr and a recent ceremony of Chinese workers pronouncing their Shahada.
Dr. Abdul Aziz, who witnessed the event, described it as a “direct response to critics of the government for contracting Chinese company.”
Among the converts, there are 70 workers who are engaged in the construction of Makkah monorail project, which links the holy city with the holy sites of Mina, Muzdalifa and Arafat.
“Their conversion took place 24 hours after getting books introducing Islam in Chinese language at their worksite at Arafat, which is outside the Haram area,” he said adding that the credit goes to the Office of the Call and Guidance for Expatriates in Makkah.
Efforts are underway to spread the message of Islam among some 5,000 Chinese nationals working on the Haramain train,” he said adding that the major problem for the Call and Guidance Office is the lack of enough books on Islam in Chinese language.
It is noteworthy that the first phase of Haramain Rail consisting of 70km has well been started a few months ago. This represents expropriation of land, filling works, construction of bridges and tracks. The project is expected to be operational in 2012.
Minority scholarships: Deadline gone, 19 states yet to send lists to centre
By Mumtaz Alam Falahi, TwoCircles.net,
New Delhi: How government machinery in India, irrespective of political parties that are at the helm of affair in the Centre or states, is shamelessly lethargic in implementing minority welfare programs is evident from centrally-run mega scholarship schemes meant for minority students and so running much behind schedule.
August 30 was the last date for states to send their list of candidates to the Central Government for scholarship schemes – pre-matric, post-matric and merit-cum-means – for the year 2009-2010 but, according to the Union Ministry of Minority Affairs which is running the schemes, by September 30 majority of 35 states/Union Territories could not send the list.
19 states which could not send their list of recommended candidates for pre-matric scholarships include Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka (ruled by BJP) and Delhi, Haryana and Jammu & Kashmir (ruled by Congress). The list also includes states that are run by regional political parties like Orissa (ruled by Biju Janata Dal). Rest of 19 states include Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Himachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Tripura and Uttarakhand. The list brings home another important point: systemic and structural apathy towards minorities is a pan-India phenomenon.
Some states failed to send in time the list of candidates for pre-matric scholarships but they did not repeat the mistake for other two schemes. In this category are Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat, Tripura and Uttarakhand. But some failed in both pre-matric and post-matric schemes. They are Delhi (run by Congress and where a Muslim-dominated district is in the list of 90 minority-concentration districts) and Punjab.
The worst performers (those who could not send their list for any of the three mega scholarship schemes) are Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Jammu & Kashmir, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Nagaland, Orissa, Chandigarh, Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Daman & Diu and Lakshadweep.
States that didn’t send list of candidates to centre
Pre-matric
Post-matric
Arunachal Pradesh
4180
1330
Goa
5390
1715
Jammu & Kashmir
82830
26355
Jharkhand
57090
18165
Madhya Pradesh
50820
16170
Nagaland
21230
6755
Orissa
19690
6265
Chandigarh
2200
700
Dadra &Nagar
Haveli
220
70
Daman & Diu
220
70
Lakshadweep
660
210
The top performers (the states which sent in time lists of candidates for all three scholarship schemes and funds have been sanctioned to them) are just three: Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal.
There are some other states which probably sent all three lists a little late and so their cases are still under process at the Union Minority Affairs Ministry. They are Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra3, Meghalaya, Rajasthan, Sikkim and Uttar Pradesh.
For the year 2009-2010 the Central Government had fixed a target of total 30 lakh scholarships under these three schemes, of which 22 lakh were for pre-matric students while 7 lakh for post-matric students. Under merit-cum-means scheme 12230 scholarships are to be distributed.
Link:
http://minorityaffairs.gov.in/newsite/schemes/schemes.asp
New Delhi: How government machinery in India, irrespective of political parties that are at the helm of affair in the Centre or states, is shamelessly lethargic in implementing minority welfare programs is evident from centrally-run mega scholarship schemes meant for minority students and so running much behind schedule.
August 30 was the last date for states to send their list of candidates to the Central Government for scholarship schemes – pre-matric, post-matric and merit-cum-means – for the year 2009-2010 but, according to the Union Ministry of Minority Affairs which is running the schemes, by September 30 majority of 35 states/Union Territories could not send the list.
19 states which could not send their list of recommended candidates for pre-matric scholarships include Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka (ruled by BJP) and Delhi, Haryana and Jammu & Kashmir (ruled by Congress). The list also includes states that are run by regional political parties like Orissa (ruled by Biju Janata Dal). Rest of 19 states include Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Himachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Tripura and Uttarakhand. The list brings home another important point: systemic and structural apathy towards minorities is a pan-India phenomenon.
Some states failed to send in time the list of candidates for pre-matric scholarships but they did not repeat the mistake for other two schemes. In this category are Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat, Tripura and Uttarakhand. But some failed in both pre-matric and post-matric schemes. They are Delhi (run by Congress and where a Muslim-dominated district is in the list of 90 minority-concentration districts) and Punjab.
The worst performers (those who could not send their list for any of the three mega scholarship schemes) are Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Jammu & Kashmir, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Nagaland, Orissa, Chandigarh, Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Daman & Diu and Lakshadweep.
States that didn’t send list of candidates to centre
Pre-matric
Post-matric
Arunachal Pradesh
4180
1330
Goa
5390
1715
Jammu & Kashmir
82830
26355
Jharkhand
57090
18165
Madhya Pradesh
50820
16170
Nagaland
21230
6755
Orissa
19690
6265
Chandigarh
2200
700
Dadra &Nagar
Haveli
220
70
Daman & Diu
220
70
Lakshadweep
660
210
The top performers (the states which sent in time lists of candidates for all three scholarship schemes and funds have been sanctioned to them) are just three: Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal.
There are some other states which probably sent all three lists a little late and so their cases are still under process at the Union Minority Affairs Ministry. They are Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra3, Meghalaya, Rajasthan, Sikkim and Uttar Pradesh.
For the year 2009-2010 the Central Government had fixed a target of total 30 lakh scholarships under these three schemes, of which 22 lakh were for pre-matric students while 7 lakh for post-matric students. Under merit-cum-means scheme 12230 scholarships are to be distributed.
Link:
http://minorityaffairs.gov.in/newsite/schemes/schemes.asp
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