Sunday, April 14, 2013

NDFB chief Ranjan Daimary gets bail in Oct 30 bomb blast case


By Abdul Gani, TwoCircles.net,
Guwahati: The prime accused of the ill-famed October 30 bomb blast of India’s northeastern state Assam Ranjan Daimary was granted bail by Court of District and Sessions Judge, Kamrup on Thursday in Guwahati.
Daimary’s counsel Manas Sarania told reporters that the court has imposed certain conditions while allowing Daimary to go on bail, which include restriction on the movement of the accused outside Assam, without prior permission. The Court also asked the banned militant outfit leader to deposit his passport and driving license at the earliest.


Ranjan Daimary
Further, he was asked not to involve in any anti-national activities or act on behalf of the banned outfit National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB). Daimary was granted against a bail amount of Rs 3 lakh with two sureties of the like amount. However, NDFB chief is to get bail from five other cases.
The bail petition of Ranjan Daimary, who was arrested on May 2010 in Bangladesh, was moved on December 20 and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) was recently asked to reply as whether it had any objection if the NDFB chief is allowed to go on bail.
October 30 of 2008 happens to be one of the deadliest day in the history of the state as more than 100 innocent people lost their lives in a series of explosions across the state causing major damage in the capital.

Hijab causes trouble in Assam school


By Abdul Gani, TwoCircles.net,
Guwahati: Probably for the first time in India’s north-eastern state Assam has witness this incident that a girl has been asked not to come to school wearing a hijab (a scarf which covers the head which is particularly worn by Muslim women). The incident took place at Kristo Jyoti School, Bokakhat in Golaghat district.
Fathima Beebi, a four year old Nursery student was served notice by the school authority to remove the hijab which she wears around her head or to stop from coming to school anymore.


Fathima Beebi a four year old Nursery student was served notice by the school authority to remove the hijab
Now, the parent of the student has knocked the door of court seeking justice to follow their tradition. The girl who was admitted in the school in the month of November in 2012 was asked by the school authority on March 21 this year not to wear the hijab. But when she disobeyed the authority, the principal Father Jose Vargsees served a notice to the parents on March 28 to remove the hijab within 15 days of time or not to come to school.
“We were shocked at the behaviour of the school authority. They have serious problem with my daughter wearing a piece of cloth around her head which is a tradition for ages. They were adamant with their say which is quite baseless. So, we have no other option left but to seek justice from the judicial system of the country,” an angry Shanamon AR, the father of Fathima Beebi, told Twocircles.net as he files a Writ Petition at Gauhati High Court.


Kristo Jyoti School, Bokakhat in Golaghat district
Shanamon who is posted in Nagaland in Assam Rifles originally hails from Kerala. However, her mother, Alee Ahmed is a local resident of Bokakhat area. The parents also alleged that they were even threatened by the school principal to follow his orders.
“I know that India is a secular country and every citizen has its right to follow its own tradition. I have not seen such type of thing anywhere in the country. I hope justice will be done to my daughter,” he added. Accordingly, advocate Jayanta Kumar Goswami has filed a Writ Petition on April 8.
However, the school authority is adamant with their stand of expelling the girl if she continues to wear the hijab. “Her dress code violates the norm of our school. We wanted that her parents send her to school respecting the rules and regulations of the school,” said principal Father Jose Varghese.

Sunday, January 06, 2013

Assam Spring? The message is loud and clear


By M. Reyaz, TwoCircles.net,
Its 10.00 pm at night, and I am at the residence of a senior Muslim civil servant in Guwahati. I was driven there by college lecturer. As we are talking about the problems of Bengali Muslims in Assam, we are gradually joined by physicians, social workers and bio-technologists. What is common to them all, besides their religion is that they all are in their late 20s or 30s.
Away from media gaze in Delhi – or very far from Tahrir Square - a silent youth movement is on rise among the educated Muslim youths of Assam. Young Muslim professionals from varied background assemble in such meetings quite regularly to discuss the problems and chart out some road map for possible solutions.
Rich educated Muslims, in a way, never wanted to identify with their poor cousins, often wearing lungis, pulling rickshaws or providing labour in building houses, etc. Once educated and upwardly mobile, they tended to ‘integrate’ more in a society where they are often seen with suspicion of being foreigners. For example Muslims from districts of Barak valley did not fail to mention their older heritage in the state, often took pride in that how different they are from Muslims from Muslims who hail from chars in west. In many ways they did not even realize the gravity of situation by completely ignoring a large chunk of population. Toiba Sultana, a Delhi University educated young woman from state who is now working in a Guwahati based NGO says, “The realization was never there that situation could be as bad.”
Muslims – particularly the Bengali speaking Muslims – in Assam have been at the centre of politics for all the wrong reasons. They have grown up being labeled ‘foreigner’ or Bangladeshi. Already tired of being labeled ‘foreigners,’ the July-August Bodo-Muslim clashes, however, appear to be the ‘maximum’ that the new generation of Muslims could take.



Sofiul Islam Khan, a lecturer of History at a degree college in Guwahati, s one of the founding members of MYFACTS and MCRPC.
However, all this now seems to change with the Bodo-Muslim ethnic clashes in July end. A new awakening has given educated, upwardly moving young Muslim professionals a reason to work for the betterment of the community. It’s like a silent ‘Assam spring’ going on.
One such platform of young Muslim professionals is MYFACTS or ‘Muslim Youths’ Forum Against Communalism, Terrorism and Sedition.’ Although the work they are doing is still in nascent stages, but the message is loud and clear. They oppose the three basic things Muslims in general, but those in Assam in particular, are often accused of. What initially started as Facebook group has today taken a real form, although it’s too early to have an organised structure.
It comprises of social science researchers, lawyers, social workers, academicians, doctors, government employees, scientists, etc. In fact people from varied background are united by their common cause.
Elaborating on the vision behind MYFACTS, Toiba Sultana, one of the members, says: “We would like to call ourselves a movement towards achieving equal status for the deprived section.” She adds, “Now is the time to do something. I don’t want to sit in my comfort zone and criticise the system.”
In fact that is the general feeling you get when you meet most of their members: they are frustrated with the Muslim leaderships, particularly the clerical class for their failure to resolve the problem in particular, but generally for their narrow-mindedness, their ‘ostrich mentality,’ and inability to bring any substantial change for the community.
Sofiul Islam Khan, a lecturer of History at a degree college in Guwahati, who is one of the founding members of MYFACTS and comes from the riot hit Kokrajhar district says, “The tendency of self-denial and failure to introspect within the community has been main reasons behind the failure to come to any logical solutions to the problems surrounding the Muslim community.”
MYFACTS team members have taken it upon themselves to break the stereotypical images of Muslims from the state, of being alien and backward. A group of intellectuals and academicians, they aim to fight those stereotypical images in the same coin and are hence working at documentation, financially supporting ground level developments, encouraging debates, etc.
The group came into existence at the aftermath of the July ethnic riot and in this short span of time they have had reasonable successes. Their members participate in debates on local TV channels and are organizing campaigns for education and health.



MYFACTS members Toiba Sultana, Rezwan Hussain and Mokhleshur Rahman posing for TCN. Rahman is also the Founding President of MCRPC.
Their short term goal is to bring peace and prosperity in BTAD, particularly among the Muslims in the locality; and the long term goal is the development of the Muslim community.
Besides documentation and research on Muslim society within the state, they are also planning to start a resource cum cultural centre. Elaborating on the long term plan, Rezwan Hussain, regional sales manager in a multinational biotechnology firm, says, “We are in advance stage of collaborating with several NGOs, women’s commission, etc. for brining peace and harmony in the region,” adding, “our dream project is going to be the Bagh Hazarika Centre for Cultural Studies.”
Ismail Siddique, popularly known as Bagh Hazarika as he unarmed killed the tiger and earned the title of Hazarika from Ahom king for his valour, was a highly skilled front ranking 17th century military officer. He fought and commanded operations against Mughal’s attack on Ahom kingdom.
They also plan to give communal harmony award in the name of 17th century Sufi saint Azan Peer. They thus work at policy level and are trying to break the perceived image of the community. Rezwan Hussain sums up, “We don’t want the Muslims to be away from the mainstream of nation building...We want people to accept us with the richness of our culture and our religion.”
Although they aim to reach the grass-root level, so far they have had limited success in organizing some counseling, health camps, or providing scholarships. However, the shortcomings of MYFACTS are the strengths of another youth group that too came into existence in the immediate aftermath of the July ethnic riots, and are working at the grassroot level: ‘Minority Citizen's Right Preservation Committee’ (MCRPC) is a non-governmental organization based in Gosaigaon sub-division in Kokrajhar district. In fact the two organisations complement each other and work in collaborative manner. MCRPC today is a registered society and its Founding President Advocate Mokhleshur Rahman and another member Soiful Islam are both part of the ‘core’ group of MYFACTS too.
What started as a group of young educated men in desperation to work for the ‘people of community’ in the immediate aftermath of the riot on July 27 has over the months become a full fledged grass-root level organisation. MCRPC declares itself to be: A group of “likeminded and enthusiastic educated youths of entire BTAD area with a special emphasis on justice in the society and reformation of any downtrodden community for a developed and peaceful country with equal justice for all.” Its members too include young advocates, academicians, doctors, etc.



MCRPC volunteers and office bearers, at their newly constructed office, working till late at night. 
For weeks after the riot, they were active in at least 48 relief camps, with the help of over 300 volunteers, working in co-ordination trying to provide and maintain health, sanitation, relief materials, etc.



MCRPC volunteer Rafiqul Islam talking to a victim in a relief camp in Howriapet. 
However, one of the most ambitious projects they have taken upon themselves is the “master family survey.” As part of this survey, they plan to make a database of all Muslims from the state with all documents required to prove citizenship – a partial census one can say. MCRPC is making a database of each family and checking copies of National Residence Certificate (NRC) in the name of head of family (father, grandfather, or in-law) issued by the Government of India in 1951, or name of father, grandfather, or in-laws in voters’ list of 1966 or 1970, or both (Assam Accord puts March 24, 1971 as the ‘cut off day’ and those who came earlier than that day or their successors are considered citizens of India.). They are also collecting other available documents like ration cards, patta (revenue document) of land, etc.
The aim behind this survey is that same frustration of being labeled ‘foreigner’ and seen with suspicion. Founding President of MCRPC Mokhleshur Rahman told TCN: “We undertook MCRPC has so far completed ‘survey’ of over 10 villages, and according to their data, not a single family was found to be “illegal.” MCRPC plans to make these data available online, with each family given a “secret access number,” so that they can “easily download documents from anywhere proving their citizenship.”



MCRPC’s Mokhleshur Rahman, Prof. Adbdul Mannan of Guwahati Univeristy and Mahbubul Hoque of Guwahati based ERD Foundation along with sponsored students. ERD Foundation, in collaboration with other organisations including NCMEI, has so far sponsored 400 students for their residence schooling. MCRPC works as facilitator of these programmes.
They are also working towards executing many programmes undertaken by MYFACTS, or in collaboration with other groups, like facilitating financial aids to poor students from the BTAD, organising health camps, etc. With the help of Guwahati based ERD Foundation, Centre for Education and Rehabilitation, Jamaat e Islami, Zakat Foundation and several such organisations, they have so far helped over 1800 students in getting scholarships or financial aids.
MCRPC is working on loss assessment and helping victims fight legal battles by filing FIRs. In fighting legal battles MCRPC is getting constant support from Ahmedabad based Centre for Social Justice (CSJ), which has experiences of working with 2002 Gujarat riot victims. USA based Indian Muslim Relief & Charities (IMRC) is providing financial support in this work through CSJ. They are in the process of filing over 4400 cases.
The CSJ is working in collaboration with local groups in both the Bodo and Bengali Muslim localities in providing legal service, rehabilitation and adequate compensation. Johanna Lokhande, Programme Officer at the CSJ told TCN that they are working working in close collaboration with local groups to enhance the compensation package and help in rehabilitation. She added, “If there is justice, the process of reconciliation becomes much more easier.”



Mokhleshur Rahman of MCRPC and Johanna Lokhande of CSJ at Gosaigaon Police Station, submitting complaints on behalf of victims.
Harsh Mander, former member of Sonia Gandhi led National Advisory Council (NAC), too approached these two groups for is peace and harmony initiatives, like so many other national and international individuals and organisations.
However, being still very young group MCRPC appear too ambitious. They appear to be doing too many things at one time. If only they can lead it to logical conclusion and succeed in their ambitious projects!
The fact that within months of their inception national and international groups are willing to collaborate with them tells a lot about the kind of work they are doing. This is equally true for MYFACTS. Toiba Sultana aptly remarks, “It is exhilarating to see that youth forum can definitely put pressure and move towards peace initiative.”

http://twocircles.net/2013jan01/assam_spring_message_loud_and_clear.html

Bodo-Muslim couple: Reminiscence of ‘good old days’


By M. Reyaz, TwoCircles.net,
Gosaigaon/Guwahati: At a time when Bodo and Muslims do not want to see each other, in a small hamlet in Gosaigaon subdivision in Kokrajhar district, I met a Bodo-Bengali Muslim couple.
Habibur Rehman from Sabkata village married a Bodo girl Premika Narzary from the neigbouring Burachara village, who became Farida Beghum after marriage.
What is interesting is that this nuptial was ‘fixed’ and given consent by the village elders after ‘proper investigation.’


Habibur Rahman, with his wife Premika Narzary alias Farida Beghum and their three children.
Habib, who works as lab-technician, had first met his lady love in 2001 and was floored by her charm. As their relationships became known, girl’s father and other village elder-men came to prospective groom’s house to ‘examine and interrogate’ him. When they were ‘satisfied’ with Habib’s response they ‘agreed and finalised the marriage.’
In fact the village headman even gave a “NOC” – No objection certificate - “permitting the girl to convert to Islam” facilitating the wedding. The marriage was finally solemnized on September 20, 2004.
The couple now has three children, two sons and a daughter. They live together with in a joint family set up with in-laws and families of Habib’s brothers.
As Premika alias Farida made tea for us - uninvited guests - she said, “I used to frequent my parents’ house and they also used to come. But after the violence in July, no one could dare go.”
She is, however, happy that her parents can at least call them on mobile phones.
In Assam, this is not uncommon to have nuptials between Muslim and non-Muslims. As in this case if the boy and girl are willing to marry, families ‘fix’ and solemnize it. One phrase I heard from Guwahti to Gosaigaon and Nagaon was that “even today Assam is the most liberal society compare to other parts of India.”

http://twocircles.net/2013jan06/bodomuslim_couple_reminiscence_%E2%80%98good_old_days%E2%80%99.html

See no reason why Bangladeshis would come to India: Prof. Monirul Hussain


Over four months have passed since violence broke out in the Bodoland Territorial Area District (BTAD) in July 2012. In this special series on Bodoland violance, we bring stories of violence, desperation, and also hope from this "tinderbox." This series has been made possible with financial support from Indian Muslim Relief Committee (IMRC).
By M. Reyaz, TwoCircles.net,
Professor Monirul Hussain, Head of the Department of Political Science at the Gauhati University and author of The Assam Movement: Class, Ideology and Identity and State, Displacement and Popular Resistance in North East India spoke to M. Reyaz on migration, the foreigner issue, and problems leading to BTAD clashes. “It would be very foolish to assume that people migrating from Bangladesh do not know what is happening in India for last 20 years or so, and what has happened to the people of East Bengal origins here in last 20 years or so, beginning with the 1983 Nellie massacres,” he said. Further considering economic stability and human development index of Bangladesh, he says, he sees no reason why they would migrate en masse. Whatever migration occurred was due to historical reason, he says and adds, “In last 61 years there is increase in 5 %, but this is not because of migration. If you go to Muslim villages, their socio-economic condition is pathetic; the community has largely remained economically and educationally backward. And everywhere in the world you will find that those communities which are marginalised which are poor their fertility rate is higher than those which are middle class.” He also puts the Bodo clashes in perspective and agrees that the July end clashes are part of “ethnic cleansing” going on in the region.
Edited Excerpts of the interview with Prof. Monirul Hussain:
TCN: What is your take on the whole issue of migration and recent violence in BTAD?
MH: Migration is a long process. It is not that in few days Bangladeshis from Bangladesh have come. It started long back... But what is happening here is because of wrong politics and wrong policy since 1987 or so... and it is the cumulative result of that wrong politics.
TCN: When you say wrong politics, do you mean state level politics or you are referring to the Central Government?
MH: Both… In India state is very powerful and Bodoland movement was launched by a very small group. Statistically Bodos are the largest tribe, but in terms of number they constitute just 6 % of total population (of Assam).


Main entrance of the Gauhati University.
Since (inception of the) Bodoland movement in 1987 it has seen mixture of both – one side is politics other side is politics of gun. Lots of violence is taking place since 1987 and as a result of this violence Government of India came into an agreement and created what you call BAC - Bodoland autonomous council in 1993. That time Bodos were not given a kind of territory; a council was created without any territory for the welfare of these Bodo people. Government of India signed that agreement with a student body called ABSU (All Bodo Students' Union) in 1993.
Agitators then demanded a territory, a state of Bodoland, (and gave the slogan) “Divide the state 50/50.” Statistically that is not possible. Divide state 50/50 means leave 94% one side and 6% gets the rest. Government of India then constituted a committee called Bhupinder Singh committee, which explored all possibilities of making Bodoland territory and then he came to the conclusion, that because all these Bodos are not living in one place – near one Bodo village Bengalis are living then Assamese, next a Nepali, tribal, again Bodo – hence we cannot give them a territorial council. The movement then started again. And this time movement was more ferocious, more violent, and in the meantime what we can see the emergence of a resurgent group called Bodo Security Force. Later on Bodo Security Force was divided into two groups - National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT).
During this movement there was lot of violence that was taking place. The place where they wanted to create Bodoland, Bodos were not in majority and that was the problem. The insurgent group therefore took the responsibility in a silent way to create a majority for the Bodos in that area as a result they engaged in lot of ethnic cleansing, beginning with the killings of a large number of Santhals, who had come from Jharkhand long back, and then gradually on Muslims and they attacked Assamese, all the people. Non-Bodos population suffered at the hands of Bodo insurgents.
And consequently Government of India started talking, this time not with the ABSU, but this time with the insurgent group called BLT, and that excluded again the NDFB. So the government had an agreement with the BLT and this time the government gave them a territorial autonomy, Bodoland Autonomous Territorial Districts (BATD), but the same thing has happened where Bodos do not constitute the majority.
Significantly while 1993 accord was signed with a student body and next agreement in 2003 was signed with between an insurgent group BLT and the GoI, this is a serious matter. You can see the emergence and consolidation of the insurgent group where they could negotiate with GoI and government in turn gave them an autonomous council and asked them to run the autonomous council. And they were supposed to surrender all their arms, but everyone in Assam knows they have not surrendered all their arms
So 2003 officially after surrendering, what the government calls mainstreaming and coming into negotiation one group has become a part of the council and they started ruling over the entire population in the Bodoland area. Even in Bodoland they do not constitute more than one-third of the total population. This one-third population, as per the new rule was given the power to rule over 70% of the population for the interim period.


Professor Monirul Hussian, HoD of Political Science Department at Gauhati University
TCN: And there was no election…
MH: Consequently there were elections, but seats were reserved for them. Out of 40 seats 30 seats were stat reserved for the tribals, only 5 were open for other categories that are for remaining 70 %.
Another significant thing that happened was all over India we have grassroot system of Panchayati raj. In Bodoland area prior to the creation of Bodoland we had the Panchayati raj, but after 2003 Panchayati raj system as removed. So people who have been in Panchayati raj at the grassroot level are deprived of their right. There is no provision for such elected representative in the Bodoland accord, which is considered a serious deficit, a democratic deficit.
So only ex-insurgents were nominated as members of the BTC, that has very severe deficiency of democracy and severe deficiency of representation of people in that body.
To begin with there has been lot of fight between two insurgent groups – NDFB and BLT. It is not that the non-Bodos have been killed by Bodo militants. Bodo militants have killed their own people. A large number of Bodos were killed by Bodo militants themselves, and there is feticidal fight between two insurgent groups. And recently there has been attempt to eliminate Muslims or non-Bodo groups so as to create majority for the Bodos.
TCN: But still we don’t see such anger against those issues even on streets of Guwahati, but against the foreigner issue…
MH: The Assam politics in very complex. It is a very very heterogeneous state, and there is large number of groups speaking as many languages. Many people outside may not even know what is happening. I am again saying the Bodo militants killed more Bodos than any others between 2003 to 2009.
But the way they have been able to terrorise the non-Bodos, particularly the Muslims that is enormous and this I am again saying is part of ethnic cleansing to create a majority by force in the Bodoland area.
TCN: But there is general notion over huge illegal migration, not only from Bangladesh but even from Nepal, etc. and the fear that they will change the demography of the state?
MH: The issue of illegal migration has been taken up by the RSS, BJP and some other Chauvinistic forces. No secular party, say Left parties, Congress or any liberal party is saying that kind of migration has taken place.
Yes some kind of migration has taken place and mind you migration is a very complex phenomenon. Bodoland is not a new area, it was part of Goalpara district till 1983, that bordered East Bengal, that later became East Pakistan and then Bangladesh. Most of the people in Goalpara migrated from East Bengal when it was part of the same country. But if you look East Bengal today it is Bangladesh (a separate country), so many people are using a wrong notion that they migrated.
If you look at the history of Assam large number of Muslims settled in later part of the 19th century. In 20th century, particularly during the British rule, from 1920 onwards till 1940 massive migration from East Bengal to Assam took place. And most of this migration was encouraged by the colonial rulers. And that was an internal migration in the same country because the country was not divided. So what was legal till 1947 became illegal after 1947 and many people try to mix up and exaggerate the problem.
TCN: But do you think that the trend of migration from Bangladesh still continues… 
MH: It is absolute nonsense. When there was violence against Muslims of East Bengal origin took place, BSF (Border Security Forces) that look after the borders between India and Bangladesh said that no such migration is taking place. And it is very wild kind of belief that some ordinary people from Bangladesh will come to India to create problems here.
Moreover, in human development index, Bangladesh is performing very well, their HDI is much better than many of the developed Indian states, then why should they migrate to India. Even their economy is doing well for last ten years… It would be very foolish to assume that people migrating from Bangladesh do not know what is happening in India for last 20 years or so, and what has happened to the people of East Bengal origin here in last 20 years or so, beginning with the 1983 Nellie massacres and all that…
Even some of the officers, IAS officers, IPS officers, senior railway officers are scared to come to Assam, do you think in such a situation people from Bangladesh will migrate en mass, I find it difficult to understand. Census also does not support that there has been massive migration of population.

TCN: But increase in population is creating fear…
MH: See 1952 onwards, Muslim population has been roughly 25 %. Now it is about 30 %. In last 61 years there is increase in 5 %, but this is not because of migration. If you go to Muslim villages, their socio-economic condition is pathetic; the community has largely remained economically and educationally backward. And everywhere in the world you will find that those communities which are marginalised which are poor their fertility rate is higher than those which are middle class.
TCN: In a way you are supporting what chief minister of state Tarun Gagoi said in an interview to a national TV…
MH: It is not supporting chief minister, I wrote it long back.
See in two lakh cases about 6000 were proved to be “foreigners” by lower court level tribunals. But in getting those 6000 more than one lakh ninety four thousand people were unnecessarily harassed. And these were all Muslims. A large number of people experience these legalistic harassments in Assam.
TCN: Do you see some kind of communal angle to this whole issue?
MH: Oh yes. Bodo Accord was signed in 2003 when in Delhi it was the BJP led government and Lal Krishna Advani was the Home Minister. At that time there were two groups of (Bodo) insurgents – NDFB and BLT. In NDFB most of their cadres are Christianised Bodos and BLT, most of them are Hinduised Bodos. So the BJP government excluded the Chrisitianised insurgents from these talks and that has again extended the divide between the BLT and the NDFB, and further Muslims also. And that is the reason that led to the massive killing of what you call the feticidal killing within the Bodos.
TCN: Any final thought…
MH: Yes, Assam is a society of migrants. All are migrants, including Bodos. No one is aboriginal here. Differences are that some came earlier some came little later and therefore I say that we all migrants of different layers. If they accept that we all are migrants, as layers of migrants then problem will be solved. But if you want to create a problem of who came late or who came earlier that is a different matter.

http://twocircles.net/2013jan02/%E2%80%98absolute_nonsense%E2%80%99_see_no_reason_why_bangladeshis_would_come_india_prof_monirul_hussain_g