By Zafarul-Islam Khan,
Terror is the biggest business today at home and abroad. Everyone is a beneficiary. The government gets more clout and more powers over the lives of its hapless subjects through new terror laws and activation of old ones in an atmosphere where no one dares to question the motives of the politicians over the vital issue of "security". Security forces get immunity for illegal acts and crimes for which they win medals, rewards, promotions and huge funds with no accountability attached.
Newspapers and TV channels improve their circulation and ratings sensationalising real and imaginary terror stories with total impunity as no one would dare question their rightful concern for our safety and security. Sales of arms dealers and security providers skyrocket year after year and politicians get their usual kickbacks. Foreign arms and security manufacturers continue to do roaring business. Some political party may even try to usurp the security issue and snatch power playing on the fears of the people as BJP has been unsuccessfully trying for over a decade now.
With trillions spent on security and defence, the common man is the real sufferer as the ever expanding budgets rely essentially on increased taxation and cuts in social security, health care, and education resulting in ever-increasing poverty and suffering of the masses who nevertheless remain grateful that there are people at the helm who still work for the security of the common man and the country.
This intro was necessary to understand how the security issue remains our agenda number one and everyone benefits from this "flowing Ganga". Late last month as Varun Gandhi was facing imprisonment for his treason and our government at the fag end of its term was concluding one dubious and unethical deal after another with world's leading terrorist regime while a previous deal is under investigation.
Suddenly the security and terrorism issue returned to the front pages. Times of India, as usual, was the leader of this scare. On 31 March its campaign unfolded with a screaming headline: "India forced to reassess threat" which told us that "Jihadi" terrorism in Pakistan was about to spill over into India. In another story the same day it enlightened us that there was an "Alert in Kerala after terror-from-sea tip-off". TOI story said that 30 members of Jamiat-ul-Mujahidin had arrived at Negombo. The information was so hazy that TOI could not rule out that they "could belong to LTTE".
Next day (1 April) the TOI struck it big with the screaming front page headline: "Chhota Shakeel planned to kill Varun". The news, though related to Mangalore in Karnataka, was based on an unknown IB source in Lucknow and accompanied a photograph of Varun in crosshairs. The story claimed that the shooter assigned is a certain "Malbari" alias “Double” who was arrested on 27 March in BJP-ruled Karnataka wherefrom the “sharp-shooter” was preparing to move to Pilibhit. TOI enlightens us with the reasons why the gangster was going to kill Varun could be: 1) kill Varun for his hate speeches; 2) to restore ‘confidence in Indian Muslims’ and 3) ‘disturb’ Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh (!) (TOI, 1 April).
In another story same day, TOI tells us that the said Malbari entered India via Nepal but (curiously) instead of going straight to Pilibhit across the Nepal border, he decided to do a detour via sea landing on Karnataka coast in the deep south - a real Indian version of going north by north west. In two more related stories the same day, TOI tells us that Taj Group hotels have received email threats from Pakistan and that “Security beefed up at Taj hotels across country”.
Next day (2 April), TOI strikes it big again with a screaming first page headline splashed across the whole page: “Security shield for poll rallies after fresh terror threats”. Strangely, the big story has no byline as it is attributed to “Times News Network”. The whole story is about normal preparations by the police and security agencies to meet any eventuality in the national capital in view of the huge election rallies held by various political parties. The whole big story fails to offer us a single claim by any security agency about any imminent threat but an inside story tucked away on page 13 of the same issue tells us that the Union home minister has written to 40 top leaders “mainly SPG and Z-plus (NSG) protectees” of different political parties asking them “to take adequate precautions for their safety” - a fairly routine reminder to the protectees as a result of normal security reviews which are held periodically.
Same day another box news datelined Mumbai on page one of TOI tells us: “Trained pilots sneak in on terror mission”. It cites an unverifiable “intelligence report” to claim that “7-8 trained pilots and around a dozen women fidayeen have entered the country on a mission to carry out terror strikes and hijackings”. A boxed item appearing with the story says that the group “May be Pakistani nationals” and that its reported mission was “to carry out terror strikes and hijackings”. The report adds in good measure: “The group may also be planning to disrupt Lok Sabha elections” (emphasis added). Inside the story we discover that the said report is based on a threat intimation received by the aviation ministry (and not by the intelligence bureau or the home ministry) and that the idea that the group may be planning to disrupt elections came from an unnamed “senior intelligence official” who was charitable enough with his comment: “We cannot take a chance...”.
An inside story in TOI tucked away on page 13 on the same day (2 April) and armed with a question mark says: “Was Shakeel aid in India to kill Muthalik?” It tells us that the dreaded Malbari “had actually come to India to target Sri Ram Sene chief Pramod Muthalik” and enlightens us that “the gangsters’ interest in pursuing jihadi design [is] to do something big which could vitiate the communal atmosphere in the country”. Strange indeed. Gangsters are now fighting jihad and want to vitiate the communal atmosphere by killing those who are doing this job free of cost and extremely successfully. But the same story in Hindustan Times same day (2 April) was not accompanied by a question mark and said plainly: “Target Sene chief, not Varun”.
Another TOI story on same page (p. 13) same day betrays that TOI’s mission was accomplished. The headline says: “After threat, Varun’s cover upgraded to Z-category” which entails deployment of 13 cops and an escort vehicle. According to the story, the request for security upgradation was made by Varun himself in a letter to the home minister way back on 20 March citing “current controversy” and his “family history”. So the whole idea of the hype, for which other Sanghis fake jihadi threats, was to secure highest level of security for Varun and the gullible State succumbed to the blackmail and agreed to provide security to the rabble-rousing criminal whose real place is a secure jail cell and not a posse of highly-trained commandos. But why complain? Many criminals who took part in Babri demolition, Mumbai riots and Gujarat pogroms and spew venom day in and day out, enjoy tight security at the expense of the benevolent State which spends taxpayers’ hard earned millions on protecting hard-core criminals whose counterparts never get such treatment in any other country.
As both print and electronic media with fake footage were playing up the terror threat and how 20 “fedayeen” had sneaked in to play havoc with the country’s security, the new no-non-sense home minister Mr Chidambram called a press conference on 2 April to dispel these unfounded claims. He told the media in a press conference that “there is no credible threat but we must remain watchful.” He trashed the story of the women fedayeen, said that there is no truth in the claims about imminent plane hijackings and that the airports alert has been cancelled.
The home minister further cautioned the media not to publish news which had no basis. He termed as “blatant lie” the claim about the sneaking Pakistani fedayeen and said that despite occupying his position as home minister he had “no information about it while some people are claiming that the terrorists have not only sneaked in but that they also know that 20 terrorists have come to India via Bangladesh and that they are going to strike at Old Delhi’s busiest locality, Chandni Chowk. There is no truth in it”.
This was promptly reported next day (3 April) by two Urdu dailies, Hindustan Express and Hamara Samaj as front page news but TOI was still adamant to continue its terror farce. So for the third day it keeps up the hype and its front page headline announces that “Taj hotel gets fresh threat from Pakistan” and claims that a fresh email threatens “to blow up the heritage building...”.
TOI kept the myth with another story, this time from Lucknow, containing quotes from an alleged transcript of calls between Malbari and Chhota Shakeel during 15-21 March in which the don orders his sharp shooter to kill Varun but the latter tells him that Pilibhit is far away and suggests to bump off Muthalik instead. A short news on the front page same day but in smaller print tells us that “Hijack alert issued to airports withdrawn a day later”. Indian Express front page story same day (3 April) is clearer with the headline: ‘No need for alarm but must be on guard’. IE’s report on the withdrawal of the airport alert, also on page 1, same day, is clearer with the headline: “Airport alert on women bombers not ‘credible’ so govt takes it back” while HT headline same day also did not try to mislead: “Safe to fly, terror alert withdrawn”.
TOI’s real insult is tucked on page 11 (3 April) which says: “Chidambram plays down terror threat”. The report fails to report how Chadambram chastised the likes of TOI for playing up the threat while reporting that Chidambram said that the alleged threat to Varun was based on the interrogation report of a terrorist arrested in Mangalore which he termed as “exaggerated.”
Next day (April 4) on a page 13 Delhi-datelined story, TOI tells us: “Top Isro scientists on LeT radar”. The revelation, termed as “chilling”, comes from unnamed “officials” who refer to interrogations of a LeT terrorist [no question of the possibility of his being an alleged one] by, surprise, surprise, [BJP-ruled] Karnataka authorities which, and I quote, “showed that LeT was planning to dispatch terrorists to assassinate senior members of Isro...” [emphasis added]. So the threat is not even credible or imminent but it is in the planning stage. Down the line we learn that an alleged terrorist extradited from Oman claimed that such plans “came up” for discussions with an alleged LeT member in Muscat! In other words, it was not even planned but was part of a chat no one knows how real or serious.
As the airports and Varun scare died down, our media discovered yet another scare - this time an imminent or possible or real sneaking in by terrorists across the LoC in Kashmir where army and police officers have been telling us for months that militancy has been contained and the assembly elections were held there only recently with unprecedented voter participation. But the scare was needed to ward off the threat of an imminent American intervention to force the spoilt brats of the Subcontinent to see some reason and cure the festering Kashmir canker. Something had to be done before the Holbrook visit which took place on 8 April. So we heard that terrorists, rather Taliban, had sneaked into Kashmir! Clearly their Afghanistan and Pakistan mission was accomplished and now they were turning their attention to Dilli. Soon it became clear that the whole story was concocted and there was no reason to fear Taliban showing up on our international border or on the LoC.
Fact or fiction, the show goes on for our print and electronic media with no holds barred and no questions asked. In this age of terror nothing sells better than terror-mongering. Terror is good for all with the sole exception of the common man who in the end pays the price whether terror attacks take place or do not take place.
*All references are to newspapers’ Delhi editions.
(Author is the Editor, The Milli Gazette)
http://twocircles.net/2009apr13/toi_leads_terror_mongering_pack.html
Tuesday, April 14, 2009
Thursday, April 09, 2009
For an alternative political strategy
By Syed Shahabuddin,
The ever present psychological and political confusion in the Muslim mind tends to increase as the election approaches and reaches a pathological proportion. In any event, it makes incapable of clear thinking and even factual analysis. Election time is the period when long forgotten politicians creep out of their holes and enter the political market place to sell their shops-soiled wares when some new hawkers appear with cheap but shinning wares in their baskets, when new mini-parties are born, though with the same old claim that they have the panacea for the chronic maladies.
But while advertising themselves, they never inform their customers where and how and with whose financial support and political backing the old shops have been renovated and new shops set up. Possibly, most of them if not all may have been sponsored by hostile forces who know that these mini parties cannot win a single seat but they can always divide Muslim votes in more than one constituencies and thus indirectly help them. Election thus accelerate the atomisation of an already divided and segmented Community.
Working among the community is another group of salesman who are paid by national parties to go round the market place, sometimes they use the print and electronic media also, to advise the Muslim electorate to vote for their sponsors who know that the potential buyers are not all old customers, as roughly an additional 10% of the electorate becomes eligible to vote in 5 years.
Lost among such salesman, the community is bound to end up more and more confused, partly also because national politics is itself in a state of confusion. No party not even the big two, the INC and the BJP, can claim, by any objective standards, to be a truly national party in terms of number of states they govern, the percentage of national votes they secured in the last election and the number of constituencies they won. Perhaps, the two parties may end up with lower number of seats in 2009 because there is a Third Front, crafted by the Left and, also the BSP whose leader Mayawati ruling the biggest state with 80 seats is dreaming of becoming the next Prime Minister. In any case, no alliance is likely to reach the magic figure of 272.
The Muslims simply do not matter to any national alliance as they hardly count in the national context. Although they claim nearly 75 seats, they may end up with less than half. But even those shall be largely silent and ineffective in the Parliament.
More than half of the Muslim population lives in UP, Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Assam, about 56% of the national Muslim population which may claim nearly 40 seats, out of 190 in these states. The other pocket next in important is the Southern belt of Maharashtra, AP, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu which accounts for nearly 25% of the national Muslim population but where Muslim may claim 18 seats out of 138; the other potential Muslim seats are scattered in J&K and other Hindi-speaking states.
The political situation is so fluid that neither the Congress nor the BJP, nor the CPM can be certain of the loyalty of those parties which have today assembled under their banners. Both Congress and BJP are contesting all seats but they have already lost 2 major states-UP and Bihar. In West Bengal Congress has signed a deal with the TMC; in Assam it faces a stiff competition with the BJP-AGP alliance. The INC has practically no prospect in Gujarat & MP, though in Rajasthan it may win half of the seats. AP which was considered a fortress is going to witness a battle royal between the Congress and the Third Front led by the TDP. In Kerala, the INC-led UDF is pitted against the CPM-led LDF; in Tamil Nadu the Congress-DMK alliance faces a rejuvenated AIDMK associated now with the Third Front. The Third Front is also banking on the eventual support of BJD in Orissa which recently broke ranks with the BJP and even with JD (U) in Bihar whose leader Nitish Kumar has followed a consistent policy of treating its ally BJP as the junior partner and may jump over to the Third Front, if it appears attractive. So may NCP now allied with INC in Maharashtra. In Bihar and UP the Congress by its folly pitted itself against the combination of Lalu, Mulayam and Paswan, which may secure a majority of seats, notwithstanding, the battle with the SP in UP.
Every one of these parties whether in the alliance with the Congress or part of the Third Front has sought Muslim support. For the record, ever the BJP has. But few of them have offered any substantial return. The BSP has fielded 14 Muslims in UP, though not all of them are well known to the community or fielded in winnable seats, Mulayam’s embrace of Kalyan Singh who until recently took credit for the Demolition can cause a serious set back, as the BSP increasingly appears to appeal to the Muslims. As anticipated, the dozens of Muslim mini parties are nowhere in the picture.
Counting the 3 Muslim seats in Kashmir, Muslims may secure about 10 in UP, 5 in Bihar, perhaps 7 in West Bengal, 2 in Assam though the AUDF which is contesting 8 seats out of 14 may spring a surprise by winning more seats. Orissa may this time yield 1 seat, thanks to BJD. In Tamil Nadu, DMK and AIDMK between them may give Muslim 3 seats. In Kerala, the Muslim may this time reach the unprecedented level of 4. In AP, apart from secure seat of Hyderabad, it may get another seat. The worst case is Maharasthra where the INC-NCP combination has offered only 1 seat against the Muslim claim of 5, but the total yield for Muslim may be 2 or 3. There is little chance that the Muslims will even secure 50% of what is due to them, namely 36.
The basic fact is that our present electoral system is not minority-friendly, Muslim may win the 14 odd majority seats but they may not even win high Muslim concentration seats because of both political and social factors. Another social group with lower proportion in the constituency may win against a Muslim candidate, because of organized support in money, material and muscle. There are always more than one secular candidate and there are numerous dummy Muslim candidates.
In any case, Muslim Indians today are deeply disenchanted with politics; their experience of 2004-09 has left a bitter taste in their mouth. They do not know whom to rely on, even which Muslim MP to approach for raising their grievances in the Parliament. During the last 5 years there has been no discussion on any major Muslim problem. There have been very few questions or statements related to Muslim grievances. This is because nearly all Muslim MPs with the exception of Asaduddin Owaisi of MIM and Omar Abdullah of NC have acted more or less like bonded labour of their parties. The Muslim League represented by E.Ahamad was a part of the government and shares blame for the UPA’s indifference, apathy and even misperception. A R Antulay from Maharashtra, the first Minister of Minority Affairs, has proved himself to be politically ineffective; we also had Taslimuddin from RJD in the UPA Govt., who has neither intelligence nor capacity. Also in the government was the old war horse Saifuddin Soz but engaged in managing Kashmir affairs, he totally forget the community.
The thinking in the community is that although it may not be possible for a Muslim-dominant or Muslim-core party to emerge overnight, there is no alternative but to build one in the next 5 years. If a Muslim-dominant party takes shape and strike roots it can be a big force in the era of coalition which is likely to continue for another decade. The other alternative for the community is to concentrate on selected winnable seats and build up and support independent candidates but this is a difficult proposition because in all these constituencies there are vested interests which represent one party or the other. If the community can somehow send at least 5 capable, energetic and eloquent leaders in the Parliament, who shall not be under the thumb of any political party, the government or the opposition, they can successfully raise issues of Muslim concern and draw national and media attention.
But, before the Muslim embark on the course of revival, they have to clear their minds of the accumulated cobwebs. The community has to shift its attention from the Muslim world to the state of Muslims in India. Living in a democracy, it has to take a clear stand against the idea of establishing an Islamic state or reestablishing the Khilafat. They have to purge their minds of the theory that the Hindus in general and the anti-Islamic forces in combination with Israel and USA are always conspiring to do them down. They must no doubt insist on retaining their religious identity but discard the approach that they should be more orthodox than the rest of the Muslim world. They have to give up the notion that the Muslim Indians should have a separate economic or judicial system or even the claim that they are entitled to any special rights or preferential treatment because in the past some kings with Muslim names ruled the country or parts thereof. It may not be universally correct but some nurse the idea of separatism and look upon the Hindus with contempt. Secularism in a majoritarian state is a fragile plant. On one hand, the Muslims want a secular state, on the other; they look upon the Hindu community as enemies or hypocrites, without bothering to answer the question why India is not a Hindu state. Above all, they have to bury their internal differences whether on the basis of sect or baradari, which is the Muslim Indian version of the caste system. No minority in the world can prosper if it divides itself and deliberately widens internal cleavages and thus weaken itself and reduces its weight in the political arena. Above all, the Muslims should learn not to cry or beat their breast in adverse situations while shouting bravely, but plan collectively to overcome it.
The problem is that the masses look up to the Ulema and the elite as well as the intelligentsia, who have knowledge, resources and experience and, above all, contacts but with a few honourable exceptions they look after their personal interests, beg for favours from the power structure and in turn act as their tools, are satisfied with the morsels thrown at them from the tables of power. It is indeed for the Muslim intelligentsia to guide the Muslim masses in determining their political priorities. The masses are capable of reacting emotionally and vigorously but they have never massively demonstrated to defend and promote their own rights, except recently to absolve themselves of false accusations of being involved in acts of terrorism. This was overdone and they do not realise that speeches and slogans against terrorism no longer impact the Hindu mind and they continue to be suspected of supporting terrorists, even against their own mosques and shrines. They continue live in a state of siege and fear and their youth continue to be picked up, detained and tortured to extract false confessions.
The secular state, such as it is under attack by the Hindutva forces to convert it into an open Hindu state. In any case, the Muslims should not presume themselves to be the sole guardians of secularism.
A minority naturally fears political chaos and instability but the minority must also realise that a strong and stable government is not necessarily a just government, the protector of the weak, the oppressed or the marginalized. Under democratic pressure, it often turns into a tool of repression in the hands of the majority. Both regionalisation of national politics and the fragmentation of legislatures which result in unstable combinations in power can be in the interest of the minority.
For the next 5 years, the Muslim Indians must focus on the struggle for recognition as a Backward Class and provision of Reservation, as recommended by the Mishra Commission. The government will continue to be the biggest employer as well as the biggest spender and the only distributor of development resources. If Muslim Indians can find their way through reservation in government employment including the police, the armed forces and the judiciary and secure due access to higher education, their economic, educational and social status will change within 5 years. Today, 84% of the Muslims are identified as poor, extremely poor and vulnerable. Today, they are only 2-3% in government service; they do not realise what they are losing every month in terms of emoluments, nearly 500 lakh crores.
In my 30 years in public life, I have come to the conclusion that the Muslims are toothless tigers. The others think of us as barking dogs which never bite and which can always be silenced by dangling a small morsel. They also look at us as power- seekers and opportunists who, at the end of it all, line up with the oppressors and those in power. We have become spineless and therefore unable to stand up and make sacrifices, intoxicated as we are with the memories of past glories.
To sum up, Muslim Indians are living in a world of delusions, illusions and reveries and they must wake up. Presently, they are susceptible to demagoguery and ignore commercial deals at their cost behind their back. They must realise the stark reality. The Indian state today is a de facto Hindu state. Its democracy is a majoritarian democracy. The majority looks upon the Muslims as the ‘other’ who defy assimilation. Secularism is no more than a political tool to mobilize Muslim support for various Hindu castes and sub-castes, competing with each other for power. Freedom of religion is being used as a cover to Hinduise non-Hindu population. Fredom of expression is often used, with acquiescence of the power structure to vilify Islam. In the political market place the Muslim Indians stand devalued because they can be easily sold and purchased through political brokers; they have reduced themselves to serving the interest of other dominant social groups.
In 60 years they have failed to define their long term interests, goals and objectives, so lost they are in day to day development They no longer have the will to defend their interests, the readiness to make sacrifices for protecting them or attaining their legitimate objectives. And finally, they have no selfless, reliable and capable leadership to engage in honest political dialogue on equal terms with other social groups. They have become habituated to depend on the goodwill of one party or the other. This has sapped their strength. Dependence on favours of the state or of a political party has killed initiative. In public life, the leaders often cross the fence, whenever the pasture on the other side looks greener and they are generally engaged in repaying old debts or to create goodwill in their new home.
Today, the Muslim Indians have no voice in Legislature, even though there are dozen of Muslim legislators. They have no place in the Executive. They do not command understanding of their sensitivities in the Judiciary.
The key to power is the Legislature and the key to effective Muslim presence in the Legislature are independent-minded Muslims who can fearlessly take a stand and draw the attention of the nation and the media to injustice and marginalization.
Muslims are not in a position to change the rules of the game but all parties have their own social constituencies. Joining them or jumping from one to another will not help them as they will always be expected to play second fiddle and promote the interest of the dominant group.
What then is the way out? But to follow the example of other social groups and form a Muslim-dominant or a Muslim-core party to negotiate with other parties on terms of equality to mutual advantage.
Over the last 60 years, while Muslims have always held secularism as sacred in order to contain the forces of Hindu Communalism, trying one party or the other, in the country as a whole or in various states, it appears today that Secularism and Communalism have lost their meaning, with frequent and unrestricted transit of politicians from one camp to the other and the Muslims, as a political entity, have been submerged in the ceaseless flow of politics and lost their standing, as they help one group or the other to attain its objectives, without getting anything in return.
Time has come, therefore, for the Muslim Indians to think seriously of an alternative strategy than merely supporting one party or alliance which wears a mask of secularism and developing over the next 5 years, with the support of non-political Muslim organizations, a Muslim-based party, whose doors are open to all citizens under Muslim leadership and which is vocal on all national concerns. It may develop such strength that other parties shall approach it for understanding or alliance but it must keep its options open. Even if it gains 5 seats in the Parliament, in the era of coalitions, it can play a larger-than-life role in making and unmaking governments and compelling the nation and the media to pay serious attention to the old and new grievances of the community and at least heed its universal demand for Reservation which, in the existing state of communalization of the society and the polity, is the only way to secure political, economic and social justice.
The ever present psychological and political confusion in the Muslim mind tends to increase as the election approaches and reaches a pathological proportion. In any event, it makes incapable of clear thinking and even factual analysis. Election time is the period when long forgotten politicians creep out of their holes and enter the political market place to sell their shops-soiled wares when some new hawkers appear with cheap but shinning wares in their baskets, when new mini-parties are born, though with the same old claim that they have the panacea for the chronic maladies.
But while advertising themselves, they never inform their customers where and how and with whose financial support and political backing the old shops have been renovated and new shops set up. Possibly, most of them if not all may have been sponsored by hostile forces who know that these mini parties cannot win a single seat but they can always divide Muslim votes in more than one constituencies and thus indirectly help them. Election thus accelerate the atomisation of an already divided and segmented Community.
Working among the community is another group of salesman who are paid by national parties to go round the market place, sometimes they use the print and electronic media also, to advise the Muslim electorate to vote for their sponsors who know that the potential buyers are not all old customers, as roughly an additional 10% of the electorate becomes eligible to vote in 5 years.
Lost among such salesman, the community is bound to end up more and more confused, partly also because national politics is itself in a state of confusion. No party not even the big two, the INC and the BJP, can claim, by any objective standards, to be a truly national party in terms of number of states they govern, the percentage of national votes they secured in the last election and the number of constituencies they won. Perhaps, the two parties may end up with lower number of seats in 2009 because there is a Third Front, crafted by the Left and, also the BSP whose leader Mayawati ruling the biggest state with 80 seats is dreaming of becoming the next Prime Minister. In any case, no alliance is likely to reach the magic figure of 272.
The Muslims simply do not matter to any national alliance as they hardly count in the national context. Although they claim nearly 75 seats, they may end up with less than half. But even those shall be largely silent and ineffective in the Parliament.
More than half of the Muslim population lives in UP, Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Assam, about 56% of the national Muslim population which may claim nearly 40 seats, out of 190 in these states. The other pocket next in important is the Southern belt of Maharashtra, AP, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu which accounts for nearly 25% of the national Muslim population but where Muslim may claim 18 seats out of 138; the other potential Muslim seats are scattered in J&K and other Hindi-speaking states.
The political situation is so fluid that neither the Congress nor the BJP, nor the CPM can be certain of the loyalty of those parties which have today assembled under their banners. Both Congress and BJP are contesting all seats but they have already lost 2 major states-UP and Bihar. In West Bengal Congress has signed a deal with the TMC; in Assam it faces a stiff competition with the BJP-AGP alliance. The INC has practically no prospect in Gujarat & MP, though in Rajasthan it may win half of the seats. AP which was considered a fortress is going to witness a battle royal between the Congress and the Third Front led by the TDP. In Kerala, the INC-led UDF is pitted against the CPM-led LDF; in Tamil Nadu the Congress-DMK alliance faces a rejuvenated AIDMK associated now with the Third Front. The Third Front is also banking on the eventual support of BJD in Orissa which recently broke ranks with the BJP and even with JD (U) in Bihar whose leader Nitish Kumar has followed a consistent policy of treating its ally BJP as the junior partner and may jump over to the Third Front, if it appears attractive. So may NCP now allied with INC in Maharashtra. In Bihar and UP the Congress by its folly pitted itself against the combination of Lalu, Mulayam and Paswan, which may secure a majority of seats, notwithstanding, the battle with the SP in UP.
Every one of these parties whether in the alliance with the Congress or part of the Third Front has sought Muslim support. For the record, ever the BJP has. But few of them have offered any substantial return. The BSP has fielded 14 Muslims in UP, though not all of them are well known to the community or fielded in winnable seats, Mulayam’s embrace of Kalyan Singh who until recently took credit for the Demolition can cause a serious set back, as the BSP increasingly appears to appeal to the Muslims. As anticipated, the dozens of Muslim mini parties are nowhere in the picture.
Counting the 3 Muslim seats in Kashmir, Muslims may secure about 10 in UP, 5 in Bihar, perhaps 7 in West Bengal, 2 in Assam though the AUDF which is contesting 8 seats out of 14 may spring a surprise by winning more seats. Orissa may this time yield 1 seat, thanks to BJD. In Tamil Nadu, DMK and AIDMK between them may give Muslim 3 seats. In Kerala, the Muslim may this time reach the unprecedented level of 4. In AP, apart from secure seat of Hyderabad, it may get another seat. The worst case is Maharasthra where the INC-NCP combination has offered only 1 seat against the Muslim claim of 5, but the total yield for Muslim may be 2 or 3. There is little chance that the Muslims will even secure 50% of what is due to them, namely 36.
The basic fact is that our present electoral system is not minority-friendly, Muslim may win the 14 odd majority seats but they may not even win high Muslim concentration seats because of both political and social factors. Another social group with lower proportion in the constituency may win against a Muslim candidate, because of organized support in money, material and muscle. There are always more than one secular candidate and there are numerous dummy Muslim candidates.
In any case, Muslim Indians today are deeply disenchanted with politics; their experience of 2004-09 has left a bitter taste in their mouth. They do not know whom to rely on, even which Muslim MP to approach for raising their grievances in the Parliament. During the last 5 years there has been no discussion on any major Muslim problem. There have been very few questions or statements related to Muslim grievances. This is because nearly all Muslim MPs with the exception of Asaduddin Owaisi of MIM and Omar Abdullah of NC have acted more or less like bonded labour of their parties. The Muslim League represented by E.Ahamad was a part of the government and shares blame for the UPA’s indifference, apathy and even misperception. A R Antulay from Maharashtra, the first Minister of Minority Affairs, has proved himself to be politically ineffective; we also had Taslimuddin from RJD in the UPA Govt., who has neither intelligence nor capacity. Also in the government was the old war horse Saifuddin Soz but engaged in managing Kashmir affairs, he totally forget the community.
The thinking in the community is that although it may not be possible for a Muslim-dominant or Muslim-core party to emerge overnight, there is no alternative but to build one in the next 5 years. If a Muslim-dominant party takes shape and strike roots it can be a big force in the era of coalition which is likely to continue for another decade. The other alternative for the community is to concentrate on selected winnable seats and build up and support independent candidates but this is a difficult proposition because in all these constituencies there are vested interests which represent one party or the other. If the community can somehow send at least 5 capable, energetic and eloquent leaders in the Parliament, who shall not be under the thumb of any political party, the government or the opposition, they can successfully raise issues of Muslim concern and draw national and media attention.
But, before the Muslim embark on the course of revival, they have to clear their minds of the accumulated cobwebs. The community has to shift its attention from the Muslim world to the state of Muslims in India. Living in a democracy, it has to take a clear stand against the idea of establishing an Islamic state or reestablishing the Khilafat. They have to purge their minds of the theory that the Hindus in general and the anti-Islamic forces in combination with Israel and USA are always conspiring to do them down. They must no doubt insist on retaining their religious identity but discard the approach that they should be more orthodox than the rest of the Muslim world. They have to give up the notion that the Muslim Indians should have a separate economic or judicial system or even the claim that they are entitled to any special rights or preferential treatment because in the past some kings with Muslim names ruled the country or parts thereof. It may not be universally correct but some nurse the idea of separatism and look upon the Hindus with contempt. Secularism in a majoritarian state is a fragile plant. On one hand, the Muslims want a secular state, on the other; they look upon the Hindu community as enemies or hypocrites, without bothering to answer the question why India is not a Hindu state. Above all, they have to bury their internal differences whether on the basis of sect or baradari, which is the Muslim Indian version of the caste system. No minority in the world can prosper if it divides itself and deliberately widens internal cleavages and thus weaken itself and reduces its weight in the political arena. Above all, the Muslims should learn not to cry or beat their breast in adverse situations while shouting bravely, but plan collectively to overcome it.
The problem is that the masses look up to the Ulema and the elite as well as the intelligentsia, who have knowledge, resources and experience and, above all, contacts but with a few honourable exceptions they look after their personal interests, beg for favours from the power structure and in turn act as their tools, are satisfied with the morsels thrown at them from the tables of power. It is indeed for the Muslim intelligentsia to guide the Muslim masses in determining their political priorities. The masses are capable of reacting emotionally and vigorously but they have never massively demonstrated to defend and promote their own rights, except recently to absolve themselves of false accusations of being involved in acts of terrorism. This was overdone and they do not realise that speeches and slogans against terrorism no longer impact the Hindu mind and they continue to be suspected of supporting terrorists, even against their own mosques and shrines. They continue live in a state of siege and fear and their youth continue to be picked up, detained and tortured to extract false confessions.
The secular state, such as it is under attack by the Hindutva forces to convert it into an open Hindu state. In any case, the Muslims should not presume themselves to be the sole guardians of secularism.
A minority naturally fears political chaos and instability but the minority must also realise that a strong and stable government is not necessarily a just government, the protector of the weak, the oppressed or the marginalized. Under democratic pressure, it often turns into a tool of repression in the hands of the majority. Both regionalisation of national politics and the fragmentation of legislatures which result in unstable combinations in power can be in the interest of the minority.
For the next 5 years, the Muslim Indians must focus on the struggle for recognition as a Backward Class and provision of Reservation, as recommended by the Mishra Commission. The government will continue to be the biggest employer as well as the biggest spender and the only distributor of development resources. If Muslim Indians can find their way through reservation in government employment including the police, the armed forces and the judiciary and secure due access to higher education, their economic, educational and social status will change within 5 years. Today, 84% of the Muslims are identified as poor, extremely poor and vulnerable. Today, they are only 2-3% in government service; they do not realise what they are losing every month in terms of emoluments, nearly 500 lakh crores.
In my 30 years in public life, I have come to the conclusion that the Muslims are toothless tigers. The others think of us as barking dogs which never bite and which can always be silenced by dangling a small morsel. They also look at us as power- seekers and opportunists who, at the end of it all, line up with the oppressors and those in power. We have become spineless and therefore unable to stand up and make sacrifices, intoxicated as we are with the memories of past glories.
To sum up, Muslim Indians are living in a world of delusions, illusions and reveries and they must wake up. Presently, they are susceptible to demagoguery and ignore commercial deals at their cost behind their back. They must realise the stark reality. The Indian state today is a de facto Hindu state. Its democracy is a majoritarian democracy. The majority looks upon the Muslims as the ‘other’ who defy assimilation. Secularism is no more than a political tool to mobilize Muslim support for various Hindu castes and sub-castes, competing with each other for power. Freedom of religion is being used as a cover to Hinduise non-Hindu population. Fredom of expression is often used, with acquiescence of the power structure to vilify Islam. In the political market place the Muslim Indians stand devalued because they can be easily sold and purchased through political brokers; they have reduced themselves to serving the interest of other dominant social groups.
In 60 years they have failed to define their long term interests, goals and objectives, so lost they are in day to day development They no longer have the will to defend their interests, the readiness to make sacrifices for protecting them or attaining their legitimate objectives. And finally, they have no selfless, reliable and capable leadership to engage in honest political dialogue on equal terms with other social groups. They have become habituated to depend on the goodwill of one party or the other. This has sapped their strength. Dependence on favours of the state or of a political party has killed initiative. In public life, the leaders often cross the fence, whenever the pasture on the other side looks greener and they are generally engaged in repaying old debts or to create goodwill in their new home.
Today, the Muslim Indians have no voice in Legislature, even though there are dozen of Muslim legislators. They have no place in the Executive. They do not command understanding of their sensitivities in the Judiciary.
The key to power is the Legislature and the key to effective Muslim presence in the Legislature are independent-minded Muslims who can fearlessly take a stand and draw the attention of the nation and the media to injustice and marginalization.
Muslims are not in a position to change the rules of the game but all parties have their own social constituencies. Joining them or jumping from one to another will not help them as they will always be expected to play second fiddle and promote the interest of the dominant group.
What then is the way out? But to follow the example of other social groups and form a Muslim-dominant or a Muslim-core party to negotiate with other parties on terms of equality to mutual advantage.
Over the last 60 years, while Muslims have always held secularism as sacred in order to contain the forces of Hindu Communalism, trying one party or the other, in the country as a whole or in various states, it appears today that Secularism and Communalism have lost their meaning, with frequent and unrestricted transit of politicians from one camp to the other and the Muslims, as a political entity, have been submerged in the ceaseless flow of politics and lost their standing, as they help one group or the other to attain its objectives, without getting anything in return.
Time has come, therefore, for the Muslim Indians to think seriously of an alternative strategy than merely supporting one party or alliance which wears a mask of secularism and developing over the next 5 years, with the support of non-political Muslim organizations, a Muslim-based party, whose doors are open to all citizens under Muslim leadership and which is vocal on all national concerns. It may develop such strength that other parties shall approach it for understanding or alliance but it must keep its options open. Even if it gains 5 seats in the Parliament, in the era of coalitions, it can play a larger-than-life role in making and unmaking governments and compelling the nation and the media to pay serious attention to the old and new grievances of the community and at least heed its universal demand for Reservation which, in the existing state of communalization of the society and the polity, is the only way to secure political, economic and social justice.
Sunday, April 05, 2009
Subba is Assam's richest poll candidate
By IANS,
Tezpur (Assam) : Moni Kumar Subba, controversial Congress party MP and nominee for the Tezpur parliamentary seat in Assam, is undoubtedly the richest candidate in the state with cash, assets and investments worth more than Rs.600 million (Rs.60 crore).
Subba, fighting to retain the Tezpur seat in northern Assam for the fourth straight term, is also insured for a whopping Rs.1 billion.
In his affidavit accompanying his nomination paper, Subba declared investments, including bank balance and cash in hand at about Rs.560 million, more than 95 percent of which are investments in the share market.
Subba and his two wives, Jyoti Limboo and Tilmaya Chong, together possess gold and diamond jewellery worth about Rs.18.5 million.
The 51-year-old Subba also possesses land and flats in various parts of India worth about Rs.35 million.
"I am sure to win the polls as people of my constituency love me a lot for the work I did for the overall development of the area," Subba told IANS. "I am the last person to buy votes with money."
Subba, however, is mired in a blazing controversy with the Central Bureau Investigation (CBI) currently probing a case relating to the lawmaker's citizenship.
The CBI was investigating the case following a public interest litigation (PIL) filed by Birendra Nath Singh, a resident of Noida (Uttar Pradesh), who alleged Subba was a Nepalese citizen and was a murder convict in Nepal.
During the 12th Lok Sabha elections, Subba in his nomination papers recorded his place of birth as Tezpur, Assam, his date of birth being March 16, 1951.
But his dossier during the 14th Lok Sabha Subba shows his place of birth as Dabgram (Darjeeling) in West Bengal, and the date of birth as March 16, 1958.
The discrepancies in his date of birth and place of birth while filing his nominations are issues that have created doubts over Subba's antecedents.
"All these things are already corrected and there are no anomalies in my records. I am born at Dabgram in 1958 and have been staying in Assam since 1962 after my father shifted to the state," Subba said.
There are reports in the media that alleged Subba alias Mani Raj Limbo was a murder convict in Nepal and he was imprisoned from 1971 to 1973 before he escaped to India.
"Mani Raj Limbo is still alive and in Nepal. The Supreme Court of Nepal in its verdict said Limbo was in jail in Nepal till 1982. So how can Limbo and Subba be the same person...these are all stories concocted by the media," Subba said.
"If I am Limbo then the Nepal government would have easily arrested me by taking the help of the Indian government," he added.
The Congress leader said the controversy over his nationality always resurfaces before general elections.
"I don't want controversies but people inimical to me try and drag me into them although these things are indirectly helping me win election after election," Subba said.
"If I am a Nepali citizen then why would have the people of Tezpur, who are culturally and intellectually rich, vote me to power for three consecutive terms already?" he asked.
Tezpur (Assam) : Moni Kumar Subba, controversial Congress party MP and nominee for the Tezpur parliamentary seat in Assam, is undoubtedly the richest candidate in the state with cash, assets and investments worth more than Rs.600 million (Rs.60 crore).
Subba, fighting to retain the Tezpur seat in northern Assam for the fourth straight term, is also insured for a whopping Rs.1 billion.
In his affidavit accompanying his nomination paper, Subba declared investments, including bank balance and cash in hand at about Rs.560 million, more than 95 percent of which are investments in the share market.
Subba and his two wives, Jyoti Limboo and Tilmaya Chong, together possess gold and diamond jewellery worth about Rs.18.5 million.
The 51-year-old Subba also possesses land and flats in various parts of India worth about Rs.35 million.
"I am sure to win the polls as people of my constituency love me a lot for the work I did for the overall development of the area," Subba told IANS. "I am the last person to buy votes with money."
Subba, however, is mired in a blazing controversy with the Central Bureau Investigation (CBI) currently probing a case relating to the lawmaker's citizenship.
The CBI was investigating the case following a public interest litigation (PIL) filed by Birendra Nath Singh, a resident of Noida (Uttar Pradesh), who alleged Subba was a Nepalese citizen and was a murder convict in Nepal.
During the 12th Lok Sabha elections, Subba in his nomination papers recorded his place of birth as Tezpur, Assam, his date of birth being March 16, 1951.
But his dossier during the 14th Lok Sabha Subba shows his place of birth as Dabgram (Darjeeling) in West Bengal, and the date of birth as March 16, 1958.
The discrepancies in his date of birth and place of birth while filing his nominations are issues that have created doubts over Subba's antecedents.
"All these things are already corrected and there are no anomalies in my records. I am born at Dabgram in 1958 and have been staying in Assam since 1962 after my father shifted to the state," Subba said.
There are reports in the media that alleged Subba alias Mani Raj Limbo was a murder convict in Nepal and he was imprisoned from 1971 to 1973 before he escaped to India.
"Mani Raj Limbo is still alive and in Nepal. The Supreme Court of Nepal in its verdict said Limbo was in jail in Nepal till 1982. So how can Limbo and Subba be the same person...these are all stories concocted by the media," Subba said.
"If I am Limbo then the Nepal government would have easily arrested me by taking the help of the Indian government," he added.
The Congress leader said the controversy over his nationality always resurfaces before general elections.
"I don't want controversies but people inimical to me try and drag me into them although these things are indirectly helping me win election after election," Subba said.
"If I am a Nepali citizen then why would have the people of Tezpur, who are culturally and intellectually rich, vote me to power for three consecutive terms already?" he asked.
Thursday, April 02, 2009
‘AUDF a ray of hope for Muslims of Bihar’
By Manzar Bilal, TwoCircles.net,
Patna: Shameem Ahmad, the president of Inqlabi Muslim Federation supported AUDF of Maulana Badruddin Ajmal and termed it as a ray of hope against selfish leaders and extremists.
“We had been saying that the major problems of Muslims at national level and particularly Muslims of Bihar is unemployment and insecurity. The organizations claiming to be well wishers of Muslim should know that approximately 25 lakhs Muslims and Dalits are doing jobs in Assam and other states of north-east and this figure goes above one crore in West Bengal” said Shameem Ahmad Hajipuri, the president of Inqlabi Muslim Federation.
He further said that despite performing every kind of sacrifice for the freedom of India Muslims and Dalits have always been discriminated by the ruling class. Muslims population in Assam is 40% and in West Bengal 35% while combine population of Muslims and other Dalits in Bihar is 50% still they have been kept away from governance by communal forces and self-fish politicians.
Mr. Shameem also said: “West Bengal and Assam Muslims rejected the resolution of partition of India and they liked to live here instead of going Pakistan but unfortunately they have been tortured by calling them Pakistanis and Bangladeshsi by all governments that came in power after independence.”
“In such circumstances Maulana Badruddin Ajmal came in the field and made history by winning 10 assembly seats. The most important thing he gave to Muslims is self-confidence to live in this country with dignity” he said adding “Muslims of Bihar should be thankful to Maulana Badruddin Ajmal who decided to bring them out of their inhibitions for seeking their constitutional rights.”
He appealed to all Muslims to vote for the candidates of Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF) and said that it is a ray of hope to come over unemployment and insecurity.
He also expressed his happiness for selecting Mr. Kashif Yonus, the grandson of first Bihar chief minister Md. Yonus, as a coordinator of Bihar AUDF.
Talking to TwoCircles.net Mr. Kashif Younus said that AUDF will put its 5 to 6 candidates in Muslim dominated area such as Madhubani, Champarun, Araria, Bhagalpur and Batia. But he also explained that list of the candidates has been sent to President Maulana Badruddin Ajmal and it will be confirmed within days.
Patna: Shameem Ahmad, the president of Inqlabi Muslim Federation supported AUDF of Maulana Badruddin Ajmal and termed it as a ray of hope against selfish leaders and extremists.
“We had been saying that the major problems of Muslims at national level and particularly Muslims of Bihar is unemployment and insecurity. The organizations claiming to be well wishers of Muslim should know that approximately 25 lakhs Muslims and Dalits are doing jobs in Assam and other states of north-east and this figure goes above one crore in West Bengal” said Shameem Ahmad Hajipuri, the president of Inqlabi Muslim Federation.
He further said that despite performing every kind of sacrifice for the freedom of India Muslims and Dalits have always been discriminated by the ruling class. Muslims population in Assam is 40% and in West Bengal 35% while combine population of Muslims and other Dalits in Bihar is 50% still they have been kept away from governance by communal forces and self-fish politicians.
Mr. Shameem also said: “West Bengal and Assam Muslims rejected the resolution of partition of India and they liked to live here instead of going Pakistan but unfortunately they have been tortured by calling them Pakistanis and Bangladeshsi by all governments that came in power after independence.”
“In such circumstances Maulana Badruddin Ajmal came in the field and made history by winning 10 assembly seats. The most important thing he gave to Muslims is self-confidence to live in this country with dignity” he said adding “Muslims of Bihar should be thankful to Maulana Badruddin Ajmal who decided to bring them out of their inhibitions for seeking their constitutional rights.”
He appealed to all Muslims to vote for the candidates of Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF) and said that it is a ray of hope to come over unemployment and insecurity.
He also expressed his happiness for selecting Mr. Kashif Yonus, the grandson of first Bihar chief minister Md. Yonus, as a coordinator of Bihar AUDF.
Talking to TwoCircles.net Mr. Kashif Younus said that AUDF will put its 5 to 6 candidates in Muslim dominated area such as Madhubani, Champarun, Araria, Bhagalpur and Batia. But he also explained that list of the candidates has been sent to President Maulana Badruddin Ajmal and it will be confirmed within days.
Maharashtra AUDF to contest 7 Lok Sabha seats
By Abdul Hameed, TwoCircles.net,
Mumbai: Maharashtra AUDF is all set to contest general elections at least in 7 Lok Sabha constituencies in the state.
Dr. Azimuddin, secretary general of Maharashtra AUDF disclosed in a press statement, ‘The party has already fielded two candidates Mr. Yunus Manyar and Mrs. Mamta Vinayakrao Khandelkar from Yavatmal-Washim and Amravati (SC) Lok Sabha constituencies respectively which go for polling in the first phase on 16th April. We intend to nominate three more candidates in Pune, Thane and Mumbai north-central whose name will be declared after the nomination is filed.’
He added Maharashtra AUDF wanted to field its candidates in Akola and Buldhana constituencies too but due to some technical problems at the time of form submission it could not do so. ‘However, Mr. Mujahid Khan, alias Mazhar Khan and Bilal Seth who now have filed their nominations as independent candidates from Akola and Buldhana respectively will enjoy full support by Maharashtra AUDF.’
Farooq Mithaiwala, vice president of Maharashtra AUDF told, ‘The two actually would have been the party’s official candidates if we were allowed by the election commission to do so.’
The Western Maharashtra in-charge of the party Imtiyaz Peerzada said that the party is putting its candidates only in the constituencies where it thinks they are in a fighting position.
‘The party received nearly 50 applications from various constituencies out of which only 7 have been granted by the party president Badruddin Ajmal,’ stated Tarun Rathi, Mumbai president of Maharashtra AUDF.
“The AUDF is a political amalgamation of different socio-religious and educational organizations of all the Muslim denominations and other religions in Maharashtra. Dalit, OBCs and all those socially or politically oppressed or discriminated are the integral part of Maharashtra AUDF under the leadership of Maulana Badruddin Ajmal”, told Dr. Azimuddin.
AUDF has so far nominated candidates in Assam, West Bengal and Maharashtra. The party may nominate a few more candidates in Bihar, Jharkhand and UP in next few days with Lock & Keys as party’s election symbol read the press release issued by Maharashtra AUDF.
Mumbai: Maharashtra AUDF is all set to contest general elections at least in 7 Lok Sabha constituencies in the state.
Dr. Azimuddin, secretary general of Maharashtra AUDF disclosed in a press statement, ‘The party has already fielded two candidates Mr. Yunus Manyar and Mrs. Mamta Vinayakrao Khandelkar from Yavatmal-Washim and Amravati (SC) Lok Sabha constituencies respectively which go for polling in the first phase on 16th April. We intend to nominate three more candidates in Pune, Thane and Mumbai north-central whose name will be declared after the nomination is filed.’
He added Maharashtra AUDF wanted to field its candidates in Akola and Buldhana constituencies too but due to some technical problems at the time of form submission it could not do so. ‘However, Mr. Mujahid Khan, alias Mazhar Khan and Bilal Seth who now have filed their nominations as independent candidates from Akola and Buldhana respectively will enjoy full support by Maharashtra AUDF.’
Farooq Mithaiwala, vice president of Maharashtra AUDF told, ‘The two actually would have been the party’s official candidates if we were allowed by the election commission to do so.’
The Western Maharashtra in-charge of the party Imtiyaz Peerzada said that the party is putting its candidates only in the constituencies where it thinks they are in a fighting position.
‘The party received nearly 50 applications from various constituencies out of which only 7 have been granted by the party president Badruddin Ajmal,’ stated Tarun Rathi, Mumbai president of Maharashtra AUDF.
“The AUDF is a political amalgamation of different socio-religious and educational organizations of all the Muslim denominations and other religions in Maharashtra. Dalit, OBCs and all those socially or politically oppressed or discriminated are the integral part of Maharashtra AUDF under the leadership of Maulana Badruddin Ajmal”, told Dr. Azimuddin.
AUDF has so far nominated candidates in Assam, West Bengal and Maharashtra. The party may nominate a few more candidates in Bihar, Jharkhand and UP in next few days with Lock & Keys as party’s election symbol read the press release issued by Maharashtra AUDF.
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