Mere Facelift Won’t Do

Kuldip Nayar

It happens to political parties as to individuals. They become old even when they are young in years. At 25, the BJP looks jaded, sounds outmoded and stuck in the past. The party reminds you of the fable of a horrible old man who clung to the back of Sindbad the Sailor.

The party is celebrating its silver jubilee but there is everything in ideas and policies to suggest that it is the same Jana Sangh of yore. There is no difference in the attitude and the party has picked up the thread of parochialism, fundamentalism and even arrogance from where it left off. Still when the erstwhile Jana Sangh group parted company with the declining Janata Party in 1979 and gave itself the new name of BJP, it appeared as if a new outburst of ideology — Hindu nationalism — had taken over. But it has turned out to be Hindu chauvinism and it is worsening day by day.

The reading that the Jana Sangh members merged with the post-emergency Janata Party to get respectability of secularism has come true. In 1977, they swore by the Gandhian socialism and secularism at the Raj Ghat. Two years later, they took a 180-degree turnabout and refused to break links with the RSS, the preceptor of Hindutva. One had imagined that even the RSS would have realized that communal politics could not strike roots in a country which inhaled the air of tolerance and accommodation for centuries. Apparently, the RSS had joined the Janata to poach into the territory of secular groups. This was proved when the BJP assembled the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).

Strangely the RSS, which first constituted the Jana Sangh and then the BJP to serve as its political instrument, never faced the reality: It was counterproductive to argue that Hinduism was in danger in a country where Hindus numbered 80 per cent. Religious parties in Pakistan and Bangladesh are doing the same, appealing to Muslims in the name of Islam and polluting the atmosphere. They too are losing the ground after the initial bout of activity.

After leading the NDA for six years, the BJP should have known that it got support from secular elements because it kept apart its core agenda of building a temple at Ayodhya and of deleting Article 370 that gave a special status to Jammu and Kashmir. Both of these emphasized India’s ethos: pluralism and diversity. For the BJP to go back to the line that the Jana Sangh took is proving fatal. The cauldron of communalism cannot be put on fire twice. The BJP has experienced this by vainly reviving the mandir issue.

The success of the party in the past was because of the mistakes that the Congress committed. Rajiv Gandhi amended the Constitution to undo the Supreme Court’s judgement which gave maintenance to Shah Bano, a Muslim divorcee. The BJP exploited the situation since Hindus felt horrified over a secular party compromising with communalism. Later, when Rajiv Gandhi had the locks at the Babri Masjid opened to placate Hindus the BJP had a field day. But now the atmosphere has changed and the voters have become mature.

Had the BJP become purely NDA, not only by shelving part of its agenda but by jettisoning it altogether, it might have emerged as an alternative. People, not happy with the Congress, might have begun thinking whether the BJP should be strengthened to cast off its Hindutva clothes. (In the sixties many joined the Congress to change it from within). The biggest fallout would have been a dent in the Muslim vote which makes a difference in some 200 Lok Sabha seats in the 546-member house.

Muslims are not enamoured of the Congress because they have been at the receiving end in the riots during the party’s regimes. Still they might have supported the BJP in the Hindi-speaking States at least to find out if the leopard had changed its spots. The leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee did make many Muslims and liberal Hindus tilt towards the BJP which looked fiercely Hindu nationalist, but not anti-Muslim.

This was despite the harm done by three people: LK Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Narendra Modi. Maybe, they brought to the fore the real face of the BJP. Maybe, they thought that the foundation of a Hindu Rashtra had to be laid when the BJP was in power. Maybe, they imagined that they had changed the Indian people to such an extent that they would give up their traditional spirit of living together in peace, whatever their religion.

Advani of the Rath Yatra fame communalized the administration. He saw to it that the RSS wishes were carried out to the extent of pracharaks serving as Governors and ministers in the BJP-ruled States or members in the Rajya Sabha. Joshi was the Education Minister who changed India’s history to spread the RSS line that Hindus were a suppressed lot in the best of Muslim rulers. He tried to spoil the minds of children, similar to what the books in Pakistan have been doing since the country’s birth. Strange, the Confidence Building Measures between the two countries have not a single committee to look into the books taught in the two countries.

In fact, it is Modi who has delivered a fatal blow to the BJP. The planned killing of thousands of Muslims in Gujarat has alienated minorities and liberals for decades to come. He may have exposed the real agenda of the BJP and in doing so he took the mask off from people like Vajpayee and Jaswant Singh, who were considered the liberal faces of the party. Their lack of action against Modi, when the BJP was ruling at the Centre, ended the illusion of some liberal Hindus who hoped against hope that the BJP could be reformed.

The BJP does not admit that Gujarat cost it the Lok Sabha elections. But its poll ally Telugu Desam has openly admitted it. In fact, Telugu Desam leader Chandrababu Naidu is so disillusioned that he has begun the exercise of assembling a non-BJP and non-Congress alternative at the Centre. The Left on which the Congress depends for its survival is helping him.

What has happened to the BJP in the first 25 years should be a lesson to the party — if it needs to learn any — that it cannot come to power with its anti-Muslim image. Twenty-five years should be an adequate period for the party to understand the country’s temperament. Secularism may still be weak in the country but nobody can play around with its ethos. The party can retire Vajpayee or Advani and have a younger person from among the squabbling second and third line leaders. Still, it cannot go far if the party does not change its characters
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The views are completely of the writer and not of the publiser

4-yr of Gogoi Govt: Progress and challenges ahead

Md. Sabir Nishat
Peace and the rule of law have come to Assam after many years of terrorist violence and depredations. A notable feature of the Assam Government’s handling of terrorism has been the steps taken to rehabilitate ULFA and Bodo ultras who surrendered. According to official sources, more that 4100 ULFA and Bodo surrendered youths have been given self-employment opportunities since May 18, 2001 thorough "a cent margin money scheme" for their rehabilitation. This scheme has definitely helped in bringing back normalcy to Assam and removing the scars of terrorism.

Side by side, a major achievement of the Assam Government under Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi’s leadership was creation of Bodoland Territorial Autonomous District and holding of first-ever elections to Bodoland Territorial Council. Durable peace in Bodo heartland is not far off as the Bodo outfit NDFB had announced a unilateral ceasefire in October last year and extended it for another six months. The Centre is keen on reciprocating to NDFB’s ceasefire offer within a few weeks, thus holding out hope on the Bodo militancy front.

New hope and a sense of buoyancy are returning to Assam. Economic recovery, the handmaiden of normalcy and peace, is looking up. What is important however is that the pace of economic development in the state is rapid enough to overcome the lag suffered by Assam. This, it seems, the Gogoi Government is striving to achieve. Oil and gas development, a major sector in Assam’s economy, is once again being geared up. ONGC is planning to pump in Rs 2,000 crore in the oil sector in the State. After much delay, headway has been made regarding setting up of the mega Gas Cracker project with GAIL evincing keen interest in the project.

While it is good to accord special attention to the oil and gas sector, the Assam Government has done well to bestow attention to agricultural and industrial build-up in both of which the State is lagging behind. Thus it is heartening to know that reputed companies like Hindustan Lever, Godrej, Emami, Revlon, Ujala, among a host of others, have set up 70 industrial units in the State. Moreover, 8282 small-scale industries have been newly registered and 30 medium and large-scale industrial units have come up.

It is generally recognised that if Assam is to industrialise it has to develop its power industry first. With this in view, the State Government has initiated the power sector reforms with liberal lending from Asian Development Bank to the tune of US $ 250 million.

On the agricultural sector, it is good to know that the Assam Government is making a bid to step up the State’s agricultural front. This sector requires more attention as agriculture happens to be the mainstay with 85 per cent dependent on agriculture and allied sectors. According to official sources, as against a potential of 27 lakh hectares, a total of 6.75 lakh hectares of irrigation potential have been created in Assam during the four years of the present Government’s tenure. Major, medium and minor irrigation projects are being taken up, while as many as 48 minor irrigation schemes have already been completed.

But of late, it is seen that emphasis has shifted from long-gestation major and medium (flow) irrigation projects to smaller ones for the sake of quicker results. Self-sufficiency in foodgrains being a priority, shallow tubewells and ‘low-lift’ points are being stressed, which is to get a shot in the arm with the launching of the Rs 1,025-crore World Bank aided Assam Agricultural Competitiveness Project. With the same aim in view, the State Government is giving priority also to rural electrification, and the timely distribution of farm inputs such as seeds and fertilisers, as well as machinery including power tillers.

However, a lot remains to be done. As much as 85 per cent of the land is still under monocrop cultivation. Two crops are grown on only 15 per cent of the farmland. Even in fertiliser consumption and in foodgrain production especially rice, Assam is far behind the national average.

Here the almost 25,000 registered Pathar Parichalana Samities (Field Management Committee) have to play a pro-active role in mobilising member-farmers to shift from single cropping to multiple cropping.

Another problem that has played havoc with agriculture and other sectors of the economy is the recurring floods. Apart from destroying crops, stalling the movement of passengers and goods by road and rail, they impose heavy repair costs. But there is ray of hope with the Centre constituting a Task Force to find a lasting solution to the perennial flood problem recognizing it as a national problem due to persistent efforts of the present Government.

Besides agriculture, thrust has to be given to horticulture, floriculture and pisciculture sectors in which the State has huge potential capable of generating ample employment opportunities given the fact that the ‘live register’ of employment exchanges contains the names of a little under 2 million unemployed.

Yet, one may perhaps take heart in the fact that Assam has escaped the starvation deaths that occur so often in some parts of the country. Also its literacy rate (according to 2001 census report) was only marginally below the national average of 65.29 per cent and had grown at 11.39 per cent over the previous decade. The sustained rise in enrolment ratio is another heartening development. In many ways, the Net Enrolment Ratio (NER) in the State is far better than the national average. NER for the primary level is 95.4 for boys in the State as against the 71.0 at the all India level and 74.9 for girls as against the countrywide figure of 48.8.

Moreover, the State’s infant mortality rate in 1992 was quite close to the country’s average of 79 per 1000 live births. It now stands at 75 per 1000 live berths according to the Human Development Report, 2003. Similarly, maternal mortality rate has declined from 507 to 401 per 1 lakh live births. The number of people below the poverty line both in urban and rural areas has declined from 56.8 per cent to 40.1 per cent.

The Gogoi Government faces an uphill task in relation to the revival of tourism in Assam. Insurgency has hit the industry hard, and the State Government already claims that the number of tourists, domestic as well as foreign to the State, has gone up from 10,16,322 lakh in 2001 to 22,93,915 lakh in 2004. Festivals like Tea Tourism, Rongali Utsav, Kaziranga Elephant Festival, Dehing-Patkai and Rangpur Utsav have contributed to the inflow of tourists to the State. Two cultural projects have come up — Srimanta Sankaradeva Kalakshetra and Pragjyoti — in Guwahati.

These are to the seen as valiant efforts to revive industry, trade and all-round economic activity. The crucial issue for Assam is of course bringing the ULFA to the negotiation table and thus paving the way for lasting peace in the State. This is by no means an easy task and one has to be vigilant about the ups and downs as well as pitfalls on the way. However, there is sense of confidence in the State that this task will be accomplished. Winds of change are blowing over with hope and promise aplenty.

(The views expressed in the article are the writer’s own.)